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DADABHAI 

NAOROJI’S 

SPEECHES 

Writings 




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dadabhai naoroji. 


SPEECHES AND WRITINGS 


OF 

DADABHAI NAOROJI 


FIRST EDITION : PRICE RS. TWO 


G. A. NATESAN & CO. 

SUNKURAMA CHETTI STREET 


MADRAS 


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PUBLISHERS’ NOTE. 


This is the first attempt to bring under one cover an 
exhaustive and comprehensive collection of the speeches 
and writings of the venerable Indian patriot, Dadabhai 
Naoroji. The first part is a collection of his speeches 
and includes the addresses that he delivered before the 
Indian National Congress on the three occasions that he 
presided over that assembly ; all the speeches that he 
delivered in the House of Commons and a selection of 
the speeches that he delivered from time to time in 
England and India. The second part includes all 
his statements to the Welby Commission, a number 
of papers relating to the admission of Indians to the 
Services and many other vital questions of Indian 
administration. The Appendix contains, among others, 
the full text of his evidence before the Welby Com- 
mission, his statement to the Indian Currency Com- 
mittee of 1898, his replies to the questions put to him 
by the Public Service Commission, and his statement 
to the Select Committee on East Indian Finance. 
Dadabhai has been in the active service of his Mother- 
land for over sixty j^ears and during this long period 
he has been steadily and strenuously working for the 
good of his countrymen ; it is hoped that his writings 
and speeches which are now presented in a handy 
volume will be welcomed by thousands of his admiring 
countrymen. 


Digitized by the Internet Archive 
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CONTENTS 


PAGE 


PART I : SPEECHES. 

Congress Speeches. 

Second Congress — Calcutta — 1886 ... 1 

Ninth Congress — Lahore — 1893 ... ... 20 

Twenty-Second Congress — Calcutta — 1906 ... 68 

Appointment of a Royal Commission ... 101 

Eeform of Legislative Councils ... ... 104 

Simultaneous Examinations ... ... Ill 

Speeches in the House of Commons. 

Maiden Speech ... ... ... 121 

An Inquiry into the Condition of India ... 124 

England and India ... ... ... 149 

India and Lancashire ... ... ... 164 

Miscellaneous Speeches and Addresses- 

Retirement of Lord Ripon ... ... 167 

The Fawcett Memorial Meeting ... ... 17 1 

India’s Interest in the General Election (1886). 175 

India and the Opium Question ... ... 191 

Address to the Electors of Holborn ... 198 

The Indian Civil Service ... ... 208 

Great Reception Meeting in Bombay ... 213 

Indian Famine Relief Fund Meeting ... 217 

The Condition of India ... ... 224 

The Cause and Cure of Famine ... ... 232 

British Democracy and India ... ... 246 

India Under British Rule ... ... ... 251 

The Indian National Congress ... ... 254 

England’s Pledges to India ... ... 263 

The Legacy of Lord Curzon’s Regime ... 271 


VI 


PART II : WRITINGS. 

Administration and Management of page 

Indian Expenditure ... ... ... 281 

The Apportionment of Charge between the 

United Kingdom and India ... ... 326 

The Eight Relations between Britain and India. 355 
The Causes of Discontent ... ... ... 375 

Admission of Natives to the Covenanted 

Civil Service ... ... ... 396 

Indians in the Indian Civil Service ... ... 471 

The European and Asiatic Races ... ... 523 

Sir M. E. Grant Duff on India ... ... 559 

Expenses of the Abyssinian War ... ... 610 

Mysore ... ... ... ... 623 

The Fear of Russian Invasion ... ... 641 

The Indian Tribute ... ... ... 647 

Message to the Benares Congress ... ... 650 

A Chapter of Autobiography ... ... 653 

APPENDIX. 

A. Evidence before the Welby Commission ... 1 

B. Statement to the Currency Committee of 1898. 98 

C. Replies to the Public Service Commission ... 141 

D. Statement to the Select Committee on East 

India Finance, 1871 ... ... ... 157 

E. The Moral Poverty of India ... ... 182 

F. Report of the Indian Famine Commission, 

1880 


» 


200 


FAITH IN BRITISH FAIR PLAY AND JUSTICE. 


Our fate and our future are in our own hands . 
If we are true to ourselves and to our country a7id 
?nake all the necessary sacrifices for our elevation 
and amelioration , /, for one , have not the shadow of 
a doubt that in dealing with such justice- loving, 
fair-minded people as the British , we may rest 
fully assured that we shall not work in vain . It 
is this conviction which has supported me against 
all difficulties. I have never faltered in ?ny faith 
in the British character and have always believed 
that the time will come when the sentiments of the 
British Nation and our Gracious Sovereign pro- 
claimed to us m our Great Charter of the Pro- 
clamation of 1858 will be realised , fapplausef , 
viz., “ In their prosperity will be our strength, in 
their contentment our best reward ” And let us 
join in the prayer that followed this hopeful decla- 
ration of our Sovereign: “May the God of all- 

power grant to us and to those in authority under 
us strength to carry out these our wishes for the 
good of our people. — From the Presidential 
Address to the Lahore Congress. 


DADABHAI’S EXHORTATION. 

My last prayer and exhortation to the Congress 
and to all my countrymen is — Go on united and 
earnest^ in concord, and harmony , with moderation , 
with loyalty to the British rule and patriotism 
towards our country , and success is sure to attend 
our efforts for our just demands , and the day, I 
hope , is not distant when the world will see the 
noblest spectacle of a great nation like the British 
holding out the hand of true fellow- citizenship and 
of justice to the vast mass of humanity of this 
great and ancient land of India with benefits and 
blessings to the human race floud and prolonged 
cheering) . — Fiom the Presidential Address to the 
Lahore Congress . 


Sye t’ches of IBobabhoi Noovoji. 


Second Congress — Calcutta — 1886. 
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. 

INTRODUCTION. 

I need not tell you how sincerely thankful l am to 
you for placing me in this position of honour. 1 at first 
thought that I was to be elevated to this proud 
position as a return for what might be considered as 
a compliment paid by us to Bengal, when Mr. Bonner- 
jee was elected President of the first Congress last year 
at Bombay. I can assure you, however, that that election 
was no mere compliment to Bengal, but arose out of the 
simple fact that we regarded Mr. Bonnerjee as a gentle- 
man eminently qualified to take the place of President, 
and we installed him in that position, in all sincerity, as 
the proper man in the proper place. I now see, however, 
that this election of my humble self is not intended as a 
return of compliment, but that, as both proposer and secon- 
der have said, you have been kind enough to select me, 
because I am supposed to be really qualified to undertake 
the task. I hope it may prove so and that I may be found 
really" worthy of all the kind things said of me ; but whe- 
ther this be so, or not, when such kind things are said by 
those who occupy such high positions amongst us, I must 
say I feel exceedingly proud and am very grateful to all 
for the honour thus done me. ( Loud cheering.) 

Your late Chairman has heartily welcomed all the 
delegates who come from different pares of India, and with 
the same heartiness I return to him and all our Bengal 
friends, on my own behalf and on that of all the delegates 


2 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


from other Provinces, the most sincere thanks for the 
cordial manner in which we have been received. From 
what has been done already and from what is in store for 
us during our short stay here, I have no doubt we shall 
carry away with us many and most pleasant reminiscences 
of our visit to Calcutta. (Cheers.) 

You will pardon me, and I beg your indulgence when 
,1 say that, when I was asked only two days ago to become 
your President and to give an inaugural address, it was 
with no small trepidation that I agreed to undertake the 
task ; and I hope that you will extend to me all that indul- 
gence which my shortcomings may need. ( Loud cheers.) 

IMPORTANCE OF THE CONGRESS. 

The assemblage of such a Congress is an event of the 
utmost importance in Indian history. 1 ask whether in the 
most glorious days of Hindu rule, in the days of Rajahs 
like the great Vikram, you could imagine the possibility of 
a meeting of this kind, whether even Hindus of all different 
provinces of the kingdom could have collected and spoken 
as one nation. Coming down to the later Empire of our 
friends, the Mahomedans, who probably ruled over a larger 
territory at one time than any Hindu monarch, would it 
have been, even in the days of the great Akbar himself, 
possible for a meeting like this to assemble composed of all 
classes and communities, all speaking one language, and all 
having uniform and high aspirations of their own. 

ADVANTAGES OF BRITISH RULE. 

Well, then, what is it for which we are now met on this 
occasion ? We have assembled to consider questions upon 
which depend our future, whether glorious or inglorious. 
It is our good fortune that we are under a rule which 
makes it possible for us to meet in this manner. (Cheers.) 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1886. 3 

It is under the civilizing rule of the Queen and people of 
England that we meet here together, hindered by none, 
and are freely allowed to speak our minds without the least 
fear and without the least hesitation. Such a thing is 
possible under British rule and British rule only. (Loud 
Cheers.) Then I put the question plainly : Is this Congress a 
nursery for sedition and rebellion against the British govern- 
ment (cries of no , no ) ; or is it another stone in the founda- 
tion of the stability of that government ? (Cries of yes , yes.) 
There could be but one answer, and that you have already 
given, because we are thoroughly sensible of the numberless 
blessings conferred upon us, of which the very existence of 
this Congress is a proof in a nutshell. (Cheers.) Were it 
not for these blessings of British rule, I could not have 
come here, as I have done, without the least hesitation and 
without the least fear that my children might be robbed 
and killed in my absence ; nor could you have come from 
every corner of the land, having performed, within a few 
days, journeys, which in former days would have occupied 
as many months. (Cheers.) These simple facts bring home 
to all of us at once some of those great and numberless 
blessings which British rule has conferred upon us. But 
there remain even greater blessings for which we have to 
be grateful. It is to British rule that we owe the edu- 
cation we possess ; the people of England were sincere 
in the declarations made more than half a century ago that 
India was a sacred charge entrusted to their care by Pro- 
vidence, and that they were bound to administer it for the 
good of India, to the glory of their own name, and the 
satisfaction of God. (Prolonged cheering.) When we have 
to acknowledge so many blessings as flowing from British 
rule, — and I could descant on them for hours, because it 


4 SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 

would simply be recounting to you the history of the Bri- 
tish Empire in India — is it possible that an assembly like 
this, every one of whose members is fully impressed with 
the knowledge of these blessings, could meet for any purpose 
inimicalto that rule to which we owe so much ? (Cheers.) 

RELATION BETWEEN OURSELVES AND OUR RULERS. 

The thing is absurd. Let us speak out like men and 
proclaim that we are loyal to the backbone (cheers) ; that 
we understand the benefits English rule has conferred 
upon us ; that we thoroughly appreciate the education that 
has been given to us, the new light which has been poured 
upon us, turning us from darkness into light and teaching 
us the new lesson that kings are made for the people, not 
peoples for their kings ; and this new lesson we have 
learned amidst the darkness of Asiatic despotism only by 
the light of free English civilization. (Loud cheers.) But 
the question is, do the Government believe us ? Do they 
believe that we are really loyal to them ; that we do truly 
appreciate and rely on British rule ; that we veritably 
desire its permanent continuance ; that our reason is satis- 
fied and our sentimental feelings gratified as well as our 
self-interest ? It would be a great gratification to us if we 
could see, in the inauguration of a great movement like this 
Congress, that what we do really mean and desire is 
thoroughly and truly so understood by our rulers. I have 
the good fortune to be able to place before you testimony 
which cannot be questioned, from which you will see that 
softie at least of the most distinguished of our rulers do be- 
lieve that what we say is sincere ; and that we do not 
want to subvert British rule ; that our outspoken utteran- 
ces are as much for their good as for our good. They do 
believe, as Lord Bipon said, that what is good for 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1886. 5 

India is good for England. I will give you first the 
testimony as regards the educated classes which was given 
25 years ago, by Sir Bartle Frere. He possessed an 
intimate knowledge of the people of this country, and 
with regard to the educated portion of them, he gave 
this testimony. He said : ‘ And now wherever I go 1 find 
the best exponents of the policy of the English Govern- 
ment, and the most able co-adjutors in adjusting that 
policy to the peculiarities of the natives of India, among 
the ranks of the educated natives.’ This much at least is 
testimony to our sincerity, and strongly corroborates our 
assertion that we, the educated classes, have become the 
true interpreters and mediators between the masses of 
our countrymen and our rulers. I shall now place before 
you the declaration of the Government of India itself, that 
they have confidence in the loyalty of the whole people, 
and do appreciate the sentiments of the educated classes in 
particular. I will read their very words. They say in a 
despatch addressed to the Secretary of State (8th June, 
1880) : ‘ But the people of India accept British rule 
without any need for appeal to arms, because we keep the 
peace and do justice, because we have done and are doing 
much material good to the country and the people, and 
because there is not inside or outside India any power 
that can adequately occupy our place.’ Then they 
distinctly understand that we do believe the British 
power to be the only power that can, under existing 
circumstances, really keep the peace and advance our 
future progress. This is testimony as to the feeling of 
the whole people. But of the educated classes, this 
despatch says : ‘ To the minds of at least the educated 
among the people of India — and the number is rapidly 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


increasing — any idea of the subversion of British power 
is abhorrent, from the consciousness that it must result 
in the wildest anarchy and confusion.’ ( Loud cheers.) 

We can, therefore, proceed with the utmost serenity 
and with every confidence that our rulers do understand 
us ; that they do understand our motives and give credit 
to our expressions of loyalty, and we need not in the least 
care for any impeachment of disloyalty or any charge of 
harbouring wild ideas of subverting the British power that 
may be put forth by ignorant, irresponsible or ill-disposed 
individuals or cliques. {Loud cheers.) We can, therefore, 
quietly, calmly and, with entire confidence in our rulers, 
speak as freely as we please, but of course in that spirit of 
fairness and moderation, which becomes wise and honest 
men, and in the tone which every gentleman, every reason- 
able being, would adopt when urging his rulers to make 
him some concession. {Hear, hear .) Now although, as 1 
have said, the British government have done much, very 
much for us, there is still a great deal more to be done if 
their noble work is to be fitly completed. They say this 
themselves ; they show a desire to do what more may be 
required, and it is for us to ask for whatsoever, after due 
deliberation, we think that we ought to have. {Cheers.) 

THE JUBILEE OF OUR QUEEN- EMPRESS. 

Therefore, having said thus much and having cleared 
the ground so that we may proceed freely and in all con- 
fidence with the work of our Congress, I must at once come 
to the matter with which I should have commenced, had I 
not purposely postponed it, until I had explained the rela- 
tions between ourselves and our rulers; and that is the 
most happy and auspicious occasion which the coming 
year is to bring us, viz ., the Jubilee of our good Queen- 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1886 . 7 


Empress’s reign. ( Loud cheers.) I am exceedingly glad 
that the Congress has thought it right to select this, 
as the subject of the initial resolution, and in this 
to express, in humble but hearty terms, their congratu- 
lations to our Gracious Empress. (Cheers.) There is 
even more reason for us to congratulate ourselves on 
having for half a century enjoyed the rule of a Sovereign, 
graced with every virtue, and truly worthy to reign over 
that vast. Empire on which the sun never sets. (Loud 
cheers.) That she may live long, honoured and beloved, 
to continue for yet many years that beneficial and enlight- 
ened rule with which she has so long reigned, must be 
the heart-felt prayer of every soul in India. (Prolonged 
cheering. ) 

And here you must pardon me if I digress a moment 
from those subjects which this Congress proposes to discuss 
to one of those which we do not consider to fall within the 
legitimate sphere of its deliberations. 

CONGRESS AND SOCIAL REFORM. 

It has been asserted that this Congress ought to take 
up questions of social reform (cheers and cries of yes , yes) 
and our failure to do this has been urged as a reproach 
against us. Certainly no member of this National Con- 
gress is more alive to the necessity of social reforms than I 
am ; but, gentlemen, for everything there are proper times, 
proper circumstances, proper parties and proper places 
(cheers) ; we are met together as a political body to repre- 
sent to our rulers our political aspirations, not to discuss 
social reforms, and if you blame us for ignoring these, you 
should equally blame the House of Commons for not discuss- 
ing the abstruser problems on mathematics or metaphysics. 
But, besides this, there are here Hindus of every caste, 


8 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJL 


amongst whom, even in the same province, customs and 
social arrangements differ widely, — there are Mahomedans 
and Christians of various denominations, Parsees, Sikhs, 
Brahmosand what not — men indeed of each and all of those 
numerous classes which constitute in the aggregate the 
people of India. ( Loud cheers .) How can this gathering 
of all classes discuss the social reforms needed in each 
individual class ? What do any of us know of the internal 
home life, of the customs, traditions, feelings, prejudices of 
any class but our own ? How could a gathering, a cosmo- 
politan gathering like this, discuss to any purpose the 
reforms needed in any one class? Only the members of that 
class can effectively deal with the reforms therein needed. 
A National Congress must confine itself to questions in 
which the entire nation has a direct participation, and it 
must leave the adjustment of social reforms and other class 
questions to class Congresses. But it does not follow that 
because this national, political body does not presume to 
discuss social reforms, the delegates here present are not 
just as deeply, nay in many cases far more deeply, inte- 
rested in these questions than in those political questions 
we do discuss, or that those several communities whom 
those delegates represent are not doing their utmost to 
solve those complicated problems on which hinge the 
practical introduction of those reforms. Any man who 
has eyes and ears open must know what struggles 
towards higher and better things are going on in 
every community : and it could not be otherwise with 

the noble education we are receiving. Once you begin 
to think about your own actions, your duties and res- 
ponsibilities to yourself, your neighbours and your nation, 
you cannot avoid looking round and observing much 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1886 . 9 

that is wrong amongst you ; and we know, as a fact, that 
each community is now doing its best according to its 
lights, and the progress that it has made in education. I 
need not, I think, particularise. The Mahomedans know 
what is being done by persons of their community to push 
on the education their brethren so much need ; the Hindus 
are everywhere doing what they can to reform these social 
institutions which they think require improvement. There 
is not one single community here represented of which the 
best and ablest men do not feel that much has to be done 
to improve the social, moral, religious status of their bre- 
thren, and in which, as a fact, they are not striving to 
effect, gradually, those needful improvements ; but these are 
essentially matters too delicate for a stranger’s handling — 
matters which must be left to the guidance of those who 
alone fully understand them in all their bearings, and 
which are wholly unsuited to discussion in an assemblage 
like this in which all classes are intermingled. {Loud cheers?) 

TRUST IN ENGLAND. 

I shall now refer briefly to the work of the former 
Congress. Since it, met last year, about this time, some 
progress, I am glad to say, has been made, and that is an 
encouragement and a proof that, if we do really ask what 
is right and reasonable, we may be sure that, sooner or 
later, the British government will actually give what we 
ask for. We should, therefore, persevere having confidence 
in the conscience of England and resting assured that the 
English nation will grudge no sacrifice to prove the sincer- 
ity of their desire to do whatever is just and right. {Cheers.) 

ROYAL COMMISSION. 

Our first request at the last Congress was for the 
constitution of a Royal Commission. Unfortunately, the 


10 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


authorities in England have not seen their way to grant a 
Royal Commission. They say it will upset the authorities 
here ; that it will interfere with the prestige and control 
of the Government here. I think that this is a very poor 
compliment to our rulers on this side. If I understand a 
man like Lord Dufferin, of such vast experience in 
administration, knowing, as he does, what it is to rule an 
Empire, it would be impossible for him to be daunted and 
frightened by a Commission making enquiries here. I 
think this argument a very poor one, and we must once 
more say that to the inhabitants of India a Parliamentary 
Committee taking evidence in England alone can never be 
satisfactory, for the simple reason that what the Committee 
will learn by the ear will never enable them to understand 
what they ought to see with their eyes, if they are to 
realize what the evidence of the witnesses really means. 
Still, however, it is so far satisfactory that, notwithstand- 
ing the change of government and the vicissitudes which 
this poor Parliamentary Committee has undergone, it is 
the intention of Parliament that under any and all circum- 
stances a Committee shall be appointed. At the same time, 
this Committee in future ties the hands of the authorities 
here to a large extent and prevents us from saying all we 
do really want. 

LEGISLATIVE COUNCILS FOR N. W. PROVINCES AND THE PUNJAB. 

Another resolution on which we must report some 
progress was to the effect that the N. W. Provinces and 
the Punjab ought also to have Legislative Councils of their 
own. We know that the Government has just given a 
Legislative Council to the N. W. Provinces, and we hope 
that this progress may extend further and satisfy our 
wishes as to other provinces also. 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1886. 11 


THE PUBLIC SERVICE COMMISSION. 

The fourth resolution had regard to the Service 
question In this matter, we really seem to have made 
some distinct progress. The Public Service Commission is 
now sitting, and if one thing more than another can prove 
that the Government is sincere in its desire to do some- 
thing for us, the appointment of such a Commission is 
that thing. You perhaps remember the words which our 
noble Viceroy used at Poona. He said : 

u However, I will say that, from first to last, I have been a 
strong advocate for the appointment of a Committee or Com- 
mission of this sort, and that when succeeding Governments in 
England changed, I have on each occasion warmly impressed upon 
the Secretary of State the necessity of persevering in the nomina- 
tion of a Commission. I am happy to think that, in response to 
my earnest representations on the subject, Her Majesty’s present 
Ministers have determined to take action. I, consequently, do 
not really see what more during the short period I have been 
amongst you, the Government of India could have done for that 
most important and burning question, which was perpetually 
agitating your mind and was being put forward by the natives, as 
an alleged injustice done to the educated native classes of this 
country, in not allowing them adequate employment in the Public 
Service. I do not think you can point out to me any other question 
which so occupied public attention or was nearer to the hearts of 
your people. Now the door to inquiry has been opened, and it only 
remains for you, by the force of logic of your representations and of 
the evidence you may be able to submit, to make good your case; if 
you succeed in doing so, all I can say is, that nobody will be better 
pleased than myself. In regard to other matters, which have been 
equally prominent in your newspapers and your addresses, and 
which have been so constantly discussed by your associations, I 
have also done my best to secure for you an ample investigation.” 

LORD DUFFERIN AND THE PUBLIC SERVICE COMMISSION. 

There we have his own words as to his intentions and 
the efforts he made to get this Commission. This should 
convince ns of his good faith and sympathy with us. 
When I think of Lord Dufferin, not only as our present 
Viceroy, but bearing in mind all we know of him in his 
past career, I should hesitate to believe that he could be a 


12 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


man devoid of the deepest sympathy with any people 
struggling to advance and improve their political condition. 
Some of you may remember one or two extracts, which I 
gave in my Holbern Town Hall speech from Lord Dufferin’s 
letters to the Times , and I cannot conceive that a person 
of such warm sympathies could fail to sympathise with us. 
But I may say this much that, feeling as I naturally do 
some interest about the views and intentions of our 
Viceroys and Governors, I have had the opportunity of 
getting some information from friends on whom I can rely 
and who are in a position to know the truth ; and I am 
able to say in the words of one of these friends that ‘ the 
Viceroy’s instincts are eminently liberal, and he regards 
with neither jealousy nor alarm the desire of the educated 
classes to be allowed a larger share in the administration of 
their own affairs. Indeed, he considers it very creditable to 
them that they should do so.’ As Viceroj 7 , he has to consi- 
der all sides of a question from the ruler’s point of view, and 
to act as he thinks safe and proper. But we may be sure 
that we have his deep and very genuine sympathy, and 
we may fairly claim and expect much good at. his hands. 

HOME AUTHORITIES AND PUBLIC SERVICE COMMISSION. 

But yet further I would enquire whether the inten- 
tions of the Secretary of State for India and of the other 
home authorities are equally favourable to our claims. The 
resolution on its very face tells us what the intention of 
the Secretary of State is. It says : ‘ In regard to its object, 
the Commission would, broadly speaking, be required to 
devise a scheme which may reasonably be hoped to possess 
the necessary elements of finality, and to do full justice to 
the claims of natives of India to a higher and more exten- 
sive employment in the Public Service.’ 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1886. 13 

There we have the highest authority making a decla- 
ration that he desires to do full justice to the claims of the 
natives of India. Now, our only reply is that we are thank- 
ful for the enquiry, and we hope that we may be able 
to satisfy all, that what we ask is both reasonable and 
right. 

INTENTION OF OUR RULERS. 

As another proof of the intentions of our British 
rulers, as far back as 53 years ago, when the natives of 
India did not themselves fully understand their rights, the 
statesmen of England, of their own free will, decided what 
the policy of England ought to be towards India. Long 
and important was the debate ; the question was discussed 
from all points of view ; the danger of giving political 
power to the people, the insufficiency of their capacity and 
other considerations were all fully weighed, and the con- 
clusion was come to, in unmistakable and unambiguous 
terms, that the policy of British rule should be a policy of 
justice ( Cheers ), the policy of the advancement of one-sixth 
of the human race (Cheers ) ; India was to be regarded as a 
trust placed by God in their hands, and in the due dis- 
charge of that trust, they resolved that they would follow 
the ‘ plain path of duty,’ as Mr. Macaulay called it ; on 
that occasion he said, virtually, that he would rather see 
the people of India free and able to govern themselves 
than that they would remain the bondsmen of Great 
Britain and the obsequious toadies of British officials. 
(Cheers.) This was the essence of the policy of 1833, and 
in the Act of that year it was laid down : ‘ That no native 
of the said territories, nor any natural-born subject of His 
Majesty resident therein, shall, by reason only of his 
religion, place of birth, descent, color or any of them, be 


14 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


disabled from holding any place, office or employment 
under the said Company.’ ( Prolonged cheering?) 

We do not, we could not, ask for more than this; and 
all we have to press upon the Commission and Government 
is that they should now honestly grant us in practice here 
what Great Britain freely conceded to us 50 years ago, 
when we ourselves were too little enlightened even to ask 
for it, ( Loud cheers.) 

ROYAL PROCLAMATION. 

We next passed through a time of trouble, and the 
British arms were triumphant. When they had com- 
pletely surmounted all their difficulties and completely 
vanquished all their adversaries, the English nation came 
forward, animated by the same high and noble resolves, 
as before, and gave us that glorious Proclamation, which 
we should for ever prize and reverence as our Magna 
Charta, greater even than the Charter of 1833. I need 
not repeat that glorious Proclamation now, for it is en- 
graven on all your hearts ( Loud cheers) ; but it constitutes 
such a grand and glorious charter of our liberties that I 
think every child, as it begins to gather intelligence and to 
lisp its mother-tongue, ought to be made to commit it to 
memory. (Cheers). In that Proclamation, we have again 
a confirmation of the policy of 1833 and something more. 
In it are embodied the germs of all that we aim at now, of 
all that we can desire hereafter. (Cheers.) We have only 
to go before the Government and the Commission now sit- 
ting and repeat it, and say that all we want is only what 
has already been granted to us in set terms by that Procla- 
mation, and that all we now ask for is that the great and 
generous concessions therein made to us in words shall 
actually be made ours by deeds. ( Loud cheers.) I will not, 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1886. 15 


however, enter into further details, for it is a subject on 
which I should be led into speaking for hours, and even 
then 1 should fail to convey to you an adequate idea of all 
that is in my heart. I have said enough to show our 
rulers that our case is complete and has been made out by 
themselves. {Cheers.) It is enough for me, therefore, to 
stop at this point. 

ENLARGEMENT OF LEGISLATIVE COUNCILS. 

Another resolution is the improvement and enlarge- 
ment of the Legislative Councils, and the introduction into 
them of an elective element, but that is one on which my 
predecessor in the chair has so ably descanted that I do 
not think I should take up more of your time with it. I 
need only say that in this matter we hope to make a further 
advance, and shall try to place before our rulers what we 
consider a possible scheme for the introduction of an elec- 
tive element into the Legislative Councils. T need not say 
that if this representation is introduced, the greatest bene- 
fit will be conferred upon the Government itself, because 
at present whatever Acts they pass that do not quite 
please us, we, whether rightly or wrongly, grumble and 
grumble against the Government, and the Government 
only. It is true that we have some of our own people in 
Councils. But we have no right to demand any explana- 
tion, even from them ; they are not our representatives, 
and the Government cannot relieve themselves from any 
dissatisfaction we may feel against any law we don’t like. 
If our own representatives make a mistake and get a law 
passed, which we do not want, the Government at any rate 
will escape the greater portion of the consequent unpopu- 
larity. They will say — here are your own representatives ; 
we believed that they represented your wishes, and we 


16 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


passed the law. On the other hand, with all the intelli- 
gence, all the superior knowledge of the English officials, let 
them come as angels from heaven, it is impossible for them 
to enter into the feelings of the people, and feel as they 
feel, and enter into their minds. ( Cheers .) It . is not any 
disparagement of them, but in the nature of things it can- 
not be otherwise. If you have, therefore, your representa- 
tives to represent your feelings, you will then have an 
opportunity of getting something which is congenial and 
satisfactory to yourself- ; and what will be satisfactory to 
you must also be satisfactory to and good for the Govern- 
ment itself. ( Cheers .) 

REPRESENTATION IN PARLIAMENT. 

This brings me also to the point of representation in 
Parliament. All the most fundamental questions on which 
hinge the entire form and character of the administration 
here are decided by Parliament. No matter what it is, 
Legislative Councils or the Services,— nothing can be reform- 
ed until Parliament moves and enacts modifications of the 
existing Acts. Not one single genuine Indian voice is there 
in Parliament to tell at least what the native view is on 
any question. This was most forcibly urged upon me by 
English gentlemen, who are in Parliament themselves; they 
said they always felt it to be a great defect in Parliament, 
that it did nob contain one single genuine representative of 
the people of India. 

POVERTY OF INDIA. 

One of the questions which will be placed before this 
Congress and will be discussed by them, is the deep sym- 
pathy which this Congress feels for the poverty of the 
people, It is often understood and thought that, when we 
struggle for admission into the Services, it is simply to 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1886. 17 


gratify the aspirations of the few educated. But if you 
examine this question thoroughly, you will find that this 
matter of the Public Services w ill go far to settle the prob- 
lem of the poverty of the Indian people. One thing I 
congratulate myself upon. 1 don’t trouble you with an 3^ 
testimony about the poverty of India. You have 
the testimony of Sir Evelyn Baring given on!} 7 a couple of 
years ago, who told us in plain terms that the people of 
India were extremely poor, and also of the present Financo 
Minister who repeats those words. But amongst the several 
causes, which are at the bottom of our sufferings, this one 
and that the most important cause, is beginning to be rea- 
lized by our r ulers, and that is a step of the most hopeful 
and promising kind. In the discussion about the currency, 
the Secretary of State for India, in a letter to the Treasury 
of the 26th January 1886, makes certain remarks which 
show that our rulers now begin to understand and to try 
to grapple with the problem ; and are not ostrich-like r 
shutting their eyes to it. 1 was laughed at when I first 
mooted the question of the poverty of India, and assigned 
as one of its causes the employment of an expensive 
foreign agency. But now the highest authority empha- 
sizes this view. The Secretary of State, in the letter just 
referred to, said : — 

4 The position of India in relation to taxation and the sources of 
the public revenues is very peculiar, not merely from the habits of 
the people and their strong aversion to change, which is more 
specially exhibited towards new 7 forms of taxation, but likewise 
from the character of the government, which is in the hands of 
foreigners, who hold all the principal administrative offices, and 
form so large a part of the Army. The impatience of new taxation 
which would have to be borne, wholly as a consequence of the 
foreign rule imposed on the country and virtually to meet additions 

2 


18 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


to charges arising outside of the country would constitute a poli- 
tical danger, the real magnitude of which, it is to be feared, is not 
at all appreciated by persons who have no knowledge of, or 
concern in, the government of India, but which those responsible 
for that government have long regarded as of the most serious 
order.’ 

We maybe sure that the public conscience of England 
will ask why the natives of India, after a hundred years of 
British rule, are so poor ; and as John Bull, in a cartoon 
in Punch is represented as doing, will wonder that India 
is a beggar when he thought she had a mint of money. 

India’s fabulous wealth. 

Unfortunately, this idea of India’s wealth is utterly 
delusive, and if a proper system of representation in the 
Councils be conceded, our representatives will then be able 
to make clear to these Councils and to our rulers those 
causes which are operating to undermine our wealth and 
prosperity, and guide the government to the proper reme- 
dies for the greatest of all evils — the poverty of the masses. 
All the benefits we have derived from British rule, all the 
noble projects of our British rulers, will go for nothing if 
after all the country is to continue sinking deeper and 
deeper into the abyss of destitution. At one time, I was 
denounced as a pessimist ; but now that we have it on the 
authority of our rulers themselves that we are very poor, it 
has become the right, as well as the duty, of this Congress 
to set forth its convictions, both as to this widespread 
destitution and the primary steps needful for its allevia- 
tion. Nothing is more dear to the heart of England — and 
I speak from actual knowledge — than India’s welfare ; and 
if we only speak out loud enough, and persistently enough, 
to reach that busy heart, w^e shall not speak in vain, (Pro- 
longed cheering.) 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1886. 19 
CONCLUSION. 

There will be several other questions brought 
before the Congress at their Committee meetings, during 
the next three days, and I am sure from the names 
of the delegates, as far as I am informed, that they will 
prosecute their deliberations with all possible moderation. 
I am sure that they will fully appreciate the benefits of the 
rule under which they live, while the fact that our rulers 
are willing to do whatever we can show them to be neces- 
sary for our welfare, should be enough to encourage all in 
the work. I do not know that I need now detain you 
with any further remarks. You have now some idea of 
what progress has been made in respect of the matters 
which were discussed last year. I hope we may congratu- 
late ourselves next year that we have made further progress 
in attaining the objects alike of the past year’s resolutions 
and those we may this year pass. I for one am hopeful 
that, if we are only true to ourselves, if we only do justice 
to ourselves and the noble education which has been given 
to us by our rulers and speak freely, with the freedom of 
speech which has been granted to us, we may fairly expect 
our government to listen to us and to grant us our reason- 
able demands. ( Loud chews.) 

I will conclude this short address by repeating my 
sincere thanks to all of you for having placed me in this 
honourable position and by again returning thanks to our 
Bengal brethren on behalf of all the delegates whom they 
have so cordially welcomed here. 


Ninth Congress — Lahore — 1893. 


DADABHAl’s INTEREST IN THE PUNJAB. 

Ladies and Gentlemen, — I need not say how deeply I 
feel the honour you have done me by electing me a second 
time to preside over your deliberations. I thank you 
sincerely for this honour. In the performance of the 
onerous duties of this high position I shall need your great 
indulgence and support, and i have no doubt that 1 shall 
receive them. ( Applause.) 

I am much pleased that 1 have the privilege of presi- 
ding at the very first Congress held in Punjab, as I had at 
Calcutta in 1886. I have taken, as you may be aware, 
some interest in the material condition of Punjab. In my 
first letter to the Secretary of State for India in 1880 on 
the material condition of India, I took Punjab for my 
illustration, and worked out in detail its total annual 
income and the absolute wants of its common labourer. 
As to the loyalty of the Punjabis — Hindus, Sikhs, or 
Muhammadans — it has proved true through the most fiery 
ordeal on a most trying and critical occasion. (Applause.) 

The occasion of this Session of the Congress in Punjab 
has been a most happy coincidence. On Punjab rests a 
double responsibility, one external and one internal. If 
ever that hated threatened invasion of the Russians 
comes on, Punjab will have to bear the first brunt of the 
battle, and contented under British rule, as I hope India 
will be, Punjab will fight to her last man in loyalty and 
patriotism — loyalty to the British Power, and patriotism 
to protect the hearths and homes of her beloved country of 
India. ( Loud applause.) 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 21 


Punjab’s responsibility in safeguarding the empire. 

The internal responsibility which at present rests upon 
the Punjabis and other warrior races of India is this. I 
have always understood and believed that manliness was 
associated with love of justice, generosity and intellect. 
So our British tutors have always taught us and have 
always claimed for themselves such character. And I 
cannot understand how any one could or should deny to 
you and other manly races of India the same characteristics 
of human nature. But yet we are gravely told that on 
the contrary the manliness of these races of India is 
associated with meanness, unpatriotic selfishness, and in- 
feriority of intellect, and that therefore like the dog in 
the manger, you and the other warrior races will be 
mean enough to oppose the resolution about Simultaneous 
Examinations, and unpatriotic and selfish enough to pre- 
vent the general progress of all India. {Shame.) 

Can offence and insult to a people, and that people 
admitted to be a manly people, go any further? Look at 
the numbers of Punjabis studying in England. JSTow this 
happy coincidence of this meeting in Punjab :'you, consider- 
ing every son of India as an Indian and a compatriot, have 
invited me — not a Punjabi, not a Muhammadan, nor a Sikh 
— from a distance of thousands of miles to enjoy the honour 
of presiding over this Congress, and with this gathering 
from all parts of India as the guests of the Punjabis, you 
conclusively once for all and for ever, set the matter at 
rest that the Punjabis with all other Indians do earnestly 
desire the Simultaneous Examinations as the only method 
in which justice can be done to all the people of India, as 
this Congress has repeatedly resolved. And moreover, 
Punjab has the credit of holding the very first public 


22 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


meeting in favour of the Resolution passed by the House of 
Commons for Simultaneous Examinations. {Cheers.) 

When I use the words English or British, I mean all 
the peoples of the United Kingdom. 

DEATH OF JUSTICE TELANG. 

It is our melancholy duty to record the loss of one of 
our greatest patriots, Justice Kasinath Trimbak Telang. 
It is a heavy loss to India ; you all know what a high 
place he held in our estimation for his great ability, learn- 
ing, eloquence, sound judgment, wise counsel and leader- 
ship. I have known him and worked with him for many 
years, and I have not known any one more earnest and 
devoted to the cause of our country’s welfare. He was one 
of the most active founders of this Congress, and was its 
first hard-working Secretary in Bombay. From the very 
first he had taken a warm interest and active part in our 
work, and even after he became a Judge, his sound advice 
was always at our disposal. 

RECENT HIGHER APPOINTMENTS TO INDIANS. 

I am glad Mr. Mahadhev Govind Ranade is appointed 
in his place. {Cheers.) It does much credit indeed to Lord 
Harris for the selection, and I am sure Mr. Ranade will 
prove himself worthy of the post. I have known him 
long, and his ability and learning are well-known. 
(Applause.) His sound judgment and earnest work in 
various ways have done valuable services to the cause of 
India. (Applause.) 

I am also much pleased that an Indian, Mr, Pramada 
Charan Bannerji, succeeds Mr. Justice Mahmud at Alla- 
habad. (Cheers.) 

I feel thankful to the Local Governments and the 
Indian Government for such appointments, and to Lord 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 23 


Kimberley for his sanction of them among which I may 
include also the decision about the Sanskrit Chair at 
Madras. {Applause.) I feel the more thankful to Lord 
Kimberley, for I am afraid, and I hope I may be wrong, 
that there has been a tendency of not only not loyally 
carrying out the rule about situations of Rs, 200 and up- 
wards to be given to Indians, but that even such posts as 
have been already given to them are being snatched away 
from their hands. Lord Kimberley’s firmness in not 
allowing this is therefore so much the more worthy of 
praise and our thankfulness. 

Lord Kimberley also took prompt action to prevent 
the retrograde step in connection with the Jury system in 
Bengal for which Mr. Paul and other friends interested 
themselves in Parliament ; and also to prevent the retro- 
grade interference with the Chairmanship of Municipali- 
ties, at the instance of our British Committee in London. 
I do hope that in the same spirit Lord Kimberley will con- 
sider our representations about the extension of the Jury 
system . 

A MESSAGE FROM CENTRAL FINSBURY. 

Before proceeding further, let me per form the gratify- 
ing task of communicating to you a message of sympathy 
and good-will which I have brought for you from Central 
Finsbury. {Loud applause and three cheers for the electors 
of Central Finsbury.) On learning that I had accepted 
your invitation to preside, the Council of the Central Fins- 
bury United Liberal and Radical Association passed a 
Resolution, which I have now the pleasure of placing before 
you, signed by Mr. Joseph Walton, the Chairman, and 
forwarded to me by the Honorary Secretary, Mr. R. M. H. 
Griffith, one of my best friends and supporters. 


24 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


The Centra] Finsbury United Liberal and Radical Association, 
in view of Mr. Naoro’ji's visit to India at the end of November 
next, have passed the following Resolution : — 

“ 1. That the General Council of the Central Finsbury United 
Liberal and Radical Association desire to record their high appre- 
ciation of the admirable and most exemplary manner in which Mr. 
Dadabhai Naoroji has performed his duties as representative of 
this constituency in the House of Commons and learning that he 
is, in the course of a few months, to visit India to preside over the 
Ninth Session of the Indian National Congress, request him to 
communicate to that body an expression of their full sympathy 
alike with all the efforts of that Congress for the welfare of India, 
and with the Resolution which has been recently passed by the 
House of Commons (in the adoption of which Mr. Dadabhai Nao- 
roji has been so largely instrumental) in favour of holding Simul- 
taneous Examinations in India and in Britain of candidates for all 
the Indian Civil Services, and further express the earnest hope that 
full effect will, as speedily as possible, be given by the Government 
to this measure of justice which has been already too long delayed. 
( Applause .) 

“ 2. That a copy of this Resolution be forwarded to Mr. 
Dadabhai Naoroji, 

“ (Signed) Joseph Walton, 

Chairman of Meeting 

The Resolution has been sent to Mr. Naoroji with an 
accompanying letter, which says : — 

“ Central Finsbury United Liberal and Radical Association, 

20, St. John Street Road, Clerkenwell, 
London, E.C. 

“ Dear Sir, — I have been directed to forward to you the 
enclosed copy of Resolution passed at the last meeting of the 
Council of this Association. 

“Joining in the hope of my colleagues that the result of our 
efforts may be of material and lasting good and wishing you a 
fruitful journey, with a speedy return to us, the constituents 
you so worthily represent in Parliament. 

“I am, yours faithfully, 

“ R. M. H. Griffiths, 

Honorary Secretary. 

u The Honourable Dadabhai Naoroji, M. P., 

House of Commons, Westminster, 

August 1893? 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 25 


ANGLO-INDIAN VIEWS ON THE EDUCATED NATIVES. 

The fact is, and it stands to reason, that the thinking 
portion and the educated, whether in English or in their 
own learning, of all classes and creeds, in their common 
nationality as Indians, are naturally becoming the leaders 
of the people. Those Indians, specially, who have re- 
ceived a good English education, have the double ad- 
vantage of knowing their own countrymen as well as 
understanding and appreciating the merits of British 
men and British rule, with the result, as Sir Bartle 
Frere has well put it : “ And now wherever T go I find 

the best exponents of the policy of the English Govern- 
ment, and the most able co-adjutors in adjusting that 
policy to the pec uliari ties of the natives of India, among 
the ranks of the educated natives.” {Applause,) 

Or as the Government of India has said : “ To the 

minds of at least the educated among the people of India 
— and the number is rapidly increasing — any idea of the 
subversion of the British power is abhorrent.” {Hear, hear.) 
Government of India’s Despatch, dated 8th June, 1880, 
to Secretary of State for India. 

And as Lord Dufferin, as Viceroy of India, has said in 
his Jubilee Speech : “ We are surrounded on all sides by 
native gentlemen of great attainments and intelligence, 
from whose hearty, loyal and honest co-operation we may 
hope to derive the greatest benefit.” {Applause.) 

It would be the height of unwisdom, after themselves 
creating this great new force, “ which is rapidly increas- 
ing ” as “ the best exponents and co-adjutors,” as “ab- 
horring the subversion of the British power,” and from 
whose “ hearty, loyal and honest co-operation the greatest 
benefit can arise,” that the ruling authorities should drive 


26 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


this force into opposition instead of drawing it to their 
own side by taking it into confidence and thereby 
strengthening their own foundation. This Congress re- 
presents the Aristocracy of intellect and the New Politi- 
cal Life, created by themselves, which is at present deeply 
grateful to its Creator. Common sense tells you — have it 
with you, instead of against you. 

SIMULTANEOUS EXAMINATIONS IN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 

With regard to your other most important Resolution, 
to hold examinations simultaneously both • in India and 
England for all the Civil Services, it would not have be- 
come a practical fact by the Resolution of the House of 
Commons of 2nd June last, had it not been to a large 
extent for your persevering but constitutional demand for 
it made with moderation during all the years of your 
existence. (Applause.) I am glad that in the last Budget 
debate the Under-Secretary of State for India has given 
us this assurance : — 

“ J.t may be in the recollection of the House that, in 
my official capacity, it was my duty earlier in the Session 
to oppose a Resolution in favour of Simultaneous Exami- 
nations, but the House of Commons thought differently 
from the Government. That once done, I need hardly 
say that there is no disposition on the part of the Secre- 
tary of State for India or myself to attempt to thwart 
or defeat the effect of the vote of the House of Commons, 
on that Resolution.” (Hear, hear and applause.) 
Debates. Vol. XVII,, 1893. p. 1835. 

We all cannot but feel thankful to the Secretary 
of State, Lord Kimberley and the Under-Secretary of 
State, Mr. George Russell, for this satisfactory as- 


surance. 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893 . 27 


I may just remark here in passing that 1 am not- able 
to understand why the higher Civil and Educational 
Medical Services are handed over to Military Medical 
Officers, instead of there being a separate Civil Medical 
Service, dealt with by Simultaneous Examinations in 
India and England, as we expect to have for the other 
Civil Services. I also may ask why some higher Civil 
Engineering posts are given to Military Engineers. 

BRITISH INTEREST IN INDIAN AFFAIRS. 

One thing more I may sav : Your efforts have succeeded 
not only in creating an interest in Indian affairs, but also 
a desire among the people of the United Kingdom to pro- 
mote our true welfare. {Hear, hear.) Had you achieved 
in the course of the past eight years only this much and 
no more, } T ou would have amply justified your existence. 
{Cheers.) You have proved two things: — that you are 
moderate and reasonable in what you ask, and that the 
British people are willing to grant what is shown to be 
reasonable. 

It is not necessary for me to enlarge upon the subject 
of your justification further than this, that all the Reso- 
lutions you have formulated have more or less advanced; 
that they are receiving attentive consideration is testified 
by the continuous discussions that have been going on in 
the Press and on the platform both here and in England. 
In England itself many a cause, great or small, has to 
agitate long before making an impression. What strug- 
gles have there been in Parliament itself and out of 
Parliament for the Corn Laws, Slavery Laws, Factory 
Laws, Parliamentary Reforms, and many others, in short, 
in every important Legislation? We must keep courage, 
persevere, and “ never say die.” {Loud applause.) 


28 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJl. 


RECEPTION TO DADABHAI NAOROJI IN PARLIAMENT. 

One more result, though not the least, of your labours, 
I shall briefly touch upon. The effect which your labours 
produced on the minds of the people of the United 
Kingdom has helped largely an Indian to find his way 
into the Great Imperial Parliament, and in confirmation 
of this, I need not go further than remind you of the 
generous action of Central Finsbury and the words of the 
Resolution of the Council of its United Liberal and 
Radical Association which 1 have already placed before 
you. (Applause.) 

As you are all aware, though it was long my wish, 
my friend the Hon. Mr. Lai Mohan Ghose made the 
first attempt, and twice contested Deptford, with no little 
chances of success, but adverse circumstances proved too 
strong for him. We owe a debt of gratitude to Dept- 
ford, and also to Holborn, which gave me the first lift, 
and in my contest there, though a forlorn hope, the 
Liberal electors exerted their utmost, and gave me a very 
satisfactory poll. (Cheers.) 

My mind also turns to those good friends of India — 
Bright, Fawcett, Bra dl a ugh and others, (Applause) — who 
pioneered for us, prepared for the coming of this result, 
and helped us when we were helpless. 

This naturally would make you desire and lead me to 
say a few words about the character of the reception 
given to the Indian Member in the House of Commons. 
It was everything that could be desired. (Cheers.) The 
welcome was general from all sides, as the interest in 
Indian affairs has been much increasing, and there is a 
desire to do justice to India. (Renewed cheering.) Mr. 
Gladstone on two occasions not only expressed his satis- 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893 . 29 


faction to me at finding an Indian in the House, hut 
expressed also a strong wish to see several more. 

The attendance on Indian questions has been good, 
and what is still better, the interest in the Indian debates 
has been earnest, and with a desire to understand and 
judge rightly. India has indeed fared well this Session, 
notwithstanding its other unprecedentedly heavy work. 

PARLIAMENTARY INTEREST IN INDIAN QUESTIONS. 

Thankful as we are to many Members of all sides, [ 
am bound to express our special thanks to the Irish, 
Labour and Radical Members. ( Loud cheers .) I heard 
from Mr. Davitt, two days before my departure, “ Don’t 
forget to tell your colleagues at the Congress that every 
one of Ireland’s Home Rule Members in Parliament is at 
your back in the cause of the Indian People.” ( Prolonged 
cheering .) All our friends who had been working for 

us before are not only as zealous and staunch as ever, 
but more active and earnest. I cannot do better than 
to record in this place with thankfulness the names of 
all those Members from all parties who voted for the 
Resolution of 2nd June last in favour of Simultaneous 
Examinations in England and India for all the Indian 
Civil Services.* 

As the ballot fell to Mr. Herbert Paul, ( Three cheers 
for Mr. Paul.) he, as yon are aware, moved the Reso- 
lution, and you know also how well and ably he advo- 
cated the cause, and has ever since kept up a watchful 
interest in and eye on it. 1 may mention here that I 
had sent a whip or notice to every Member of the House 
of Commons for this debate. 


* The names are omitted. 


30 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


Motion made, and Question proposed, “ That Mr. 
Speaker do now leave the Chair 

Amendment proposed, to leave out from the word 
44 That ” to the end of the Question, in order to add 
the words “ all open Competitive Examinations hereto- 
fore held in England alone for appointments to the Civil 
Services of India shall henceforth be held simultaneously 
both in India and England, such Examinations in both 
countries being identical in their nature, and all who 
compete being finally classified in one list according to 
merit — (Mr. Paul.) 

Question put, “ That the words proposed to be left out 
stand part of the Question — 

The House divided ; Ayes 76, Noes 84. 

I may say here a few words about the progress we are 
making in our Parliamentary position. By the exertions 
of Sir William Wedderburn, (Applause.) Mr. Caine, 
(Applause.) and other friends, an Indian Parliamentary 
Committee has been formed, of which Sir William 
Wedderburn is the Chairman and Mr. Herbert Roberts 
is the Secretary. (Applause.) The Committee is not yet 
fully formed. It will, we hope, be a larger General 
Committee of our supporters with a small Executive 
Committee, like other similar Committees that exist in 
the House for other causes. I give the names of the 
Members now fully enrolled in this Committee : — Mr. 
Jacob Bright, Mr. Caine, Mr. John E. Ellis, Dr. W. A. 
Hunter, Mr. Illingworth, Sir Wilfred Lawson, Mr. Walter 
B. McLaren, Mr. Swift MacNeill, Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji, 
Mr. H. Paul, Sir Joseph Pease, Mr. T. H. Roberts, Mr. 
R. T. Reid, Mr. Samuel Smith, Mr. C. E. Schwann, Mr. 
Eugene Wason, Mr. Webb, Sir W. Wedderburn. 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 31 

Besides these, there are a large number of Members 
(exclusive of the 70 or 80 Irish Members already referred 
to) whom we count as supporters, and hope to see fully 
enrolled Members on our Indian Parliamentary Commit- 
tee before long. 

On the eve of my departure, the committee invited me 
to a private dinner at the House, and gave me a hearty 
God-speed and wishes of success, with an expression of 
their earnest desire to see justice done to India. 
(Applause.) 

Before leaving this subject of Parliament, let me offer 
to Mr. George Russell, the Under-Secretary of State for 
India, my sincere thanks for his sympathetic and cordial 
treatment of me in all I had to do with him, and for his 
personal good feeling and kindness towards me. (Applause.) 

FUTURE OF THE CONGRESS. 

With all that has been done by the Congress, we have 
only begun our work. We have yet much and very 
much more work to do till that political, moral and 
material condition is attained by us which will raise us 
really to the level of our British fellow-citizens in pros- 
perity and political elevation, and thereby consolidate 
the British power on the imperishable foundation of jus- 
tice, mutual benefit and the contentment and loyalty of 
the people. 

The reason why I have dwelt upon our past life is 
that it shows that our future is promising and hopeful, 
that our faith in the instinctive love of justice and fair 
play of the people of the United Kingdom is not mis- 
placed, and that if we are true to ourselves and learn 
from the British character the self-sacrifice and persever- 
ance which the British so largely possess, we need never 


32 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


despair of obtaining every justice and reform which we 
may reasonably claim as our birthright as British citi- 
zens. [Cheers.) 

What then is to be our future work ? We have yet 
to surmount much prejudice, prepossessions, and mis- 
apprehension of our true, material and political condition. 
But our course is clear and straight before us. On the 
one hand we need not despair or quarrel with those who 
are against us ; we should on the other hand go on steadily, 
persevering!) 7 and moderately with the representation of 
our grievances and just rights. 

REFORM OF LEGISLATIVE COUNCILS. 

In connection with the question of our Legislative 
Councils we have yet very much work before us. Not 
only are the present rules unsatisfactory even for the 
fulfilment of the present Act itself as interpreted in the 
House by Mr. Gladstone, not only have we yet to obtain 
the full “ living representation ” of the people of India 
in these Councils, but also much further extension of 
their present extremely restricted powers which render 
the Councils almost a mere name. By the Act of 1861 
(19), without the permission of the Governor-General no 
member can introduce any measure (which virtually 
amounts to exclusion) about matters affecting the public 
debt or public revenues or for imposing any charge on 
such revenue, or the discipline and maintenance of any 
part of Iler Majesty’s Military or Naval forces. This 
means that, as far as the spending of our money is con- 
cerned, the Legislative Council is simply as if it did not 
exist at all. (Cries of shame , shame.) No motion can 
be made by any member unless such motion be for leave 
to introduce some measure or have reference to sonm 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 33 


measure actually introduced thereunto. Thus there is no 
opportunity of calling any Department or Government 
to account for their acts. (Sec. 52.) All things which shall 
be done by the Secretary of State shall have the same 
force and validity as if this Act (1861) had not been 
passed. Here is full arbitrary power. By the Act (1892, 
Sec. 52), no member shall have power to submit or pro- 
pose any resolution or to divide the Council in respect 
of any such financial discussion, or the answer to any 
question asked under the authority of this Act or the 
rules made under this Act. Such is the poor character 
of the extent of concession made to discuss finances or 
to put questions. Rules made under this Act (1892) 
shall not be subject to alteration or amendment at meet- 
ings for the purpose of making Laws and Regulations. 
Also (Act 1861, Sec. 22) the Secretary of State for India 
can by an Act of Parliament raise any money in the 
United Kingdom for the Government of India, and thus 
pile up any amount of burden on the Indian tax-payer, 
without his having a word to say upon it. We are to 
all intents and purposes under an arbitrary rule, and are 
just only about at the threshold of a true Legislative 
Council. 

INDIAN BUDGET DEBATE. 

Amongst the most important work of the Councils is 
the Budget. What is the condition of the Budget debate 
both here and in England ? The House of Commons 
devotes week after week for supply of the English Bud- 
get, when every item of expenditure is discussed or may 
be altered ; and not only that, but the conduct of the 
department during the year is brought under review, 
which becomes an important check to any arbitrary, un- 

3 


34 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


just or illegal action. But wliat is the Indian Budget 
debate or procedure ? Here the Financial Statement 
is made by the Finance Minister. Then a week or so 
after, a few speeches are made to no practial effect, no 
practical motion or resolution, and the whole thing is 
over. ( Shame. ) Somewhat similar is the fate of the 
Indian Budget in the House of Commons, with the ad- 
vantage of proposing any amendments and, at least, of 
having one amendment with practical effect of a division, 
or vote. But there is also the important advantage of 
bringing in any Indian measure or motion in the course 
of the Session in accordance with the rules and orders 
of the House like any other measure or motion. I felt 
thankful that at the last Budget debate, though there 
was the usual additional agony of the last day of the 
Session, yet there was not also the agony of scanty 
attendance, thanks to the increasing interest in the 
House in Indian matters and to the friends of India. 
(Applause.) In both places no practical check on any 
waste, extravagant or unnecessary expenditure. I am 
not at present discussing the merits of such Councils and 
restriction of powers, but that such matters will require 
your attention and consideration, that even in this one 
matter of Legislative Councils you have yet to secure Mr. 
Gladstone’s “ real living representative voice of the people ” 
being heard upon every detail of the Government of Bri- 
tish India. (Hear, hear.) 

INDIAN REPRESENTATION IN PARLIAMENT. 

There is, however, another important matter — I mean 
the direct representation from India in the Imperial 
Parliament. {Applause.) As all our Imperial questions 
and relations between India and the United Kingdom, 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 35 

all amendments of Parliamentary Acts already passed and 
existing, or all important Acts that may be and can be 
only passed hereafter in Parliament, and all our ultimate 
appeals can be settled in Parliament alone, it is of ex- 
treme importance that there should be some reasonable 
direct representation from India in the House of Commons 
and the representatives may be Indians or Europeans as 
loug as they are the choice directly of Indian Consti- 
tuencies, just as you have delegates to this Congress of 
Indians or Europeans. 

Central Finsbury has been generous to us ; other 
constituencies may also extend to us such generous con- 
sideration and help, but it is not fair that we should be 
left to depend upon the generosity of English Consti- 
tuencies. ( Hear , hear.) Under present circumstances we 
have a right to have direct representation. I hope the 
time is not very distant when we may successfully 
appeal to Parliament to grant us the true status of Bri- 
tish political citizenship. (Cheers.) I do not overlook that 
several matters will have to be considered, and I am 
not at present placing before you a cut-and-dry scheme. 
My only object is to draw your attention to this vital 
subject. 

POVERTY OF INDIA. 

But the greatest question before you, the question of 
all questions, is the Poverty c-f India. (Hear, hear.) This 
will be, I am much afraid, the great future trouble both 
of the Indian people and of the British Rulers. It is the 
rock ahead. In this matter we are labouring under one 
great disadvantage. This poverty we attribute to the 
system, and not to the officials who administer that sys- 
tem. (Hear, hear and applause). But unfortunately for 


36 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


us, for themselves and the British people, the officials 
(with clear-sighted exceptions of course) make the matter 
personal, and do not consider impartially and with calm- 
ness of judgment this all-important subject. The present 
Duke of Devonshire has well put this state of the official 
mind, which is peculiarly applicable in connection with 
this subject. He said : “ The Anglo-Indian, whatever 

may be his merits, and no doubt they are just, is not a 
person who is distinguished by an exceptionally calm 
judgment.” — -Speech, H. of 0., 23rd August, 1883. 

Mr. Gladstone also lately, in the Opium debate, re- 
marked : — “ That it was a sad thing to say, but un- 
questionably it happens not infrequently in human affairs, 
that those who from their situation ought to know the 
most and the best, yet from prejudice and prepossessions 
knew the least and the worst.” {Hear, hear.) 

This has been our misfortune with officials. But there 
have been and are some thoughtful officials who know the 
truth, like Lord Lawrence and others in the past, and in 
the present times like the latest Finance Ministers, Lord 
Cromer, Sir Auckland Colvin and Sir David Barbour, 
who have perceived and stated the terrible truth that 
British India is extremely poor. Among other officials 
several have testified to the sad fact, in “ Confidential 
Reports,” which Government do not publish — and this 
after a hundred years of the work of these officials under 
the present unnatural system. The system being un- 
natural, were the officials the very angels themselves, or 
as many Gladstones, they cannot prevent the evils of the 
system and cannot do much good. When Mr. Bayley 
and I moved for a Royal Commission of Inquiry, it was 
said that I had not produced evidence of poverty, it was 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 37 


not so ; but it is difficult to make those see who would 
not see. ( Laughter and applause ,) To every member of 
the House I had previously sent my papers of all neces- 
sary evidence on the annual income and absolute wants 
of the people of India, I do not know whether any of 
those who opposed us had taken the trouble to read this, 
and it was unfair to expect that in making out a prima 
facie case for our motion, I should reiterate, with the 
unnecessary waste of some hours of the precious time of 
the House, all the evidence already in their hands. 

POVERTY OF INDIA & OFFICIAL STATISTICS. 

You remember my papers on the Poverty of India, and 
I have asked for Returns to bring up information to date, 
so that a fair comparison of the present with the past 
may enable the House to come to a correct judgment. I 
am sorry the Government of India refuses to make a 
return of a Note prepared so late as 1881 by Sir David 
Barbour, upon which the then Finance Minister (Lord 
Cromer) based his statement in his speech in 1882 about 
the extreme poverty of the mass of the people. I do not 
see why the Government of India should refuse. The 
Note, I am told, is an important document. Government 
for its own sake should be ready to give it. In 1880, 
the present Duke of Devonshire, then Secretary of State 
for India, readily gave me some statistics and informa- 
tion prepared by Mr. F. Danvers, though I did not know 
of their existence. This enabled me to point out some 
errors and to explain some points which had been mis- 
understood. Such information is extremely necessary, 
not merely for the sake of the exceedingly poor masses 
of the people, but for the very stability of the British 
power itself. 


38 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


The question of the Poverty of India should be fully 
raised, grappled with and settled. The Government ought 
to deal boldly and broadly with it. Let there be a re- 
turn in detail, correctly calculated, made every year of 
the total annual income of all British India, per head of 
population, and of the requirements of a labourer to live 
in working health, and not as a starved beast of burden. 
Unless such complete and accurate information is given 
every year in detail, it is idle and useless to make mere 
unfounded assertions that India is prospering. 

It must also be remembered that Lord Cromer’s 
annual average of not more than Rs. 27 per head is for 
the whole population, including the rich and all classes, 
and not what the great mass of the population can or do 
actually get. Out of the total annual income of British 
India all that portion must be deducted which belongs to 
European Planters, Manufacturers, and Mine owners, 
and not to the people of British India, excepting the poor 
wages they receive, to grudge to give away their own 
country’s wealth, to the benefit of a foreign people. An- 
other portion is enjoyed in and carried out from the 
country on a far larger share per head by many who are 
not the children of the soil — official and non-official. 
Then the upper and middle classes of the Indians them- 
selves receive much more than their average share. The 
great mass of the poor people therefore have a much 
lower average than even the wretched “ not more than 
Rs. 27 ” per head. 

You know that I had calculated the average of the 
income as being Rs. 20 per head per annum, and when 
Lord Cromer’s statement of Rs. 27 appeared, I requested 
him to give me his calculations but he refused. However, 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 39 


Rs. 20 or “ not more than Rs. 27 ” — how wretched is the 
condition of a, country of such income, after a hundred 
years of the most costly administration, and can such a 
thing last ? ( Cries of “no, no” .) 

It is remarkable that there is no phase of the Indian 
problem which clear-headed and fair-minded Anglo- 
Indians have not already seen and indicated. More than 
a hundred years ago, in 1787, Sir John Shore wrote these 
remarkable, far-seeing, and prophetic words : — 

“ Whatever allowance we may make for the increased industry 
of the subjects of the State, owing to the enhanced demand for 
the produce of it (supposing the demand to be enhanced), there is 
reason to conclude that the benefits are more than counter- 
balanced by evils inseparable from the system of a remote foreign 
dominion.” — Pari. Ret. 377 of 1812. 

And these words of prophecy are true to the present 
day. I pass over what has been said by other European 
Officials at different times d firing the hundred years. I 
come to 1886, and here is a curious and complete res- 
ponse after a hundred years by the Secretary of State for 
India. In a despatch (26th January, 1886) to the 
Treasury, he makes a significant admission about the 
consequences of the character of the Government of the 
foreign rule of Britain. He says : — 

“ The position of India in relation to taxation and the sources 
of the public revenues is very peculiar, not merely from the 
habits of the people and their strong aversion to change which is 
more specially exhibited to new forms of taxation, but likewise 
from the character of the Government, which is in the hands of 
foreigners, who hold all the principal administrative offices and 
form so large a part of the Army. The imposition of new taxa- 
tion which would have to be borne wholly as a consequence of 
the foreign rule imposed on the country and virtually to meet 
additions to charges arising outside of the country would consti- 
tute a political danger, the real magnitude of which, it is to be 


40 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


feared, is not at all, appreciated by persons who have no knowledge 
of or concern in the Government of India, but which those res-' 
ponsible for that Government have long regarded as of the most 
serious order.” 

What a strange confirmation, fulfilment and explana- 
tion of the very reason of the prophecy of a hundred 
years ago, and admission now that because the character 
of the present Government is such that “ it is in the hands 
of the foreigners who hold all the principal administrative 
offices and form so large a part of the army , ” the conse- 
quence of it is a “ political danger ,” the real magnitude 
of which is “ of the most serious order.” 

Need I, after this declaration even, despair that some 
of our Anglo-Indian friends would not take a lesson from 
the Secretary of State and understand the evil of the 
system under which India is suffering ? Have I ever 
said anything clearer or stronger than this despatch has 
done ? It gives my whole fear of the future perils to 
the people of India and political danger to the British 
power, in a nutshell. This shows that some of our Anglo- 
Indian authorities have not been, nor are, so dull and 
blind as not to have seen before or see now the whole 
peril of the position, and the unnatural and suicidal sys- 
tem of administration. 

Yes, figures are quoted by some of what they call “ in- 
crease of trade,” “ balance of trade in favour of India,” 
“ increase of industry,” “ hoarding of treasure in British 
India,” etc., etc., ; but our misfortune is that these people, 
with bias and prejudices and prepossessions, and apparent- 
ly having not very clear ideas of the principles, processes, 
and details of commercial and banking operations and 
transactions, and of the perturbations of what Sir John 
Shore called “ the evils of a distant foreign dominion ” 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 41 


are not able to understand and read aright these facts and 
figures of the commercial and economic conditions of 
British India. These people do not realise or seem to 
understand that what are called “ the trade returns of 
British India ” are misleading, and are not the trade re- 
turns of British India. A good portion of both the im- 
ports and exports of both merchandise and treasure be- 
long to the Native States and to countries beyond the 
borders, and not to British India. A separate return 
must be made of the imports and exports of the non- 
British territories, so that a correct account of the true 
trade of British India may be given by itself — and then 
there should be some statement of the exports which are 
not trade exports at all, but only political and private 
European remittances ; and then only will it be seen 
how wretched this British indian true trade is, and how 
fallacious and misleading the present returns are. A 
return is made every year called 44 The Material and 
Moral Progress of India.” But that part regarding 
44 Material Progress,” to which I am confining my obser- 
vations is very imperfect and misleading. As I have al- 
ready said, nothing short of a return every year of the 
average annual income per head of population of British 
India, and of the absolute necessaries of life fora healthy 
labourer, in detailed calculation can give any correct idea 
of the progress or otherwise of the material condition of 
the people of British India. I ask for “ detailed calcu- 
lation ” in the returns, because some of the officials seem 
to have rather vague notions of the Arithmetic of Aver- 
ages, and though the foundation figures may be correct, 
they bring out results far from truth. I have pointed 
out this with instances in my papers. I have communi- 


42 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


cated with the Secretary of State foe India, and he has 
communicated with the Governments in India, But I do 
not know how far this correction has been attended to by 
those who calculate averages. 

TRADE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 

What is grievous is that the present unnatural system, 
as predicted by Sir John Shore, is destructive to us, with 
a partial benefit to the United Kingdom with our curse 
upon it. But were a natural system to prevail, the com- 
mercial and industrial benefits aided b} 7 perfect free- 
trade that exists between India and the United Kingdom 
will be to both countries of an extent of which we can at 
present form no conception. 

But here is an inexhaustible market of 221,000,000 of 
their own civilized fellow-citizens with some 66,000,000 
more of the people of the Native States, and what a great 
trade would arise with such an enormous market, and the 
United Kingdom would not for a long time hear any- 
thing about her “ unemployed.” It is only some people 
of the United Kingdom of the higher classes that at pre- 
sent draw all the benefit from India. The great mass of 
the people do not derive that benefit from the connection 
with India which they ought to get with benefit to both 
countries. On the other hand, it is with the Native 
States that there is some comparatively decent trade. 
With British India, as compared with its population, 
the trade of the United Kingdom is wretched indeed 
after a century of a very costly administration paid for 
by the poverty-stricken ryots. 

Truly as Macaulay said emphatically : 

To trade with civilised man is infinitely more profitable than to 
govern savages ; that would indeed be a doting wisdom, which, 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 43 

in order that India might remain a dependency, would make it a 
useless and costly dependency, which would keep a hundred 
millions (now really 221,000.000) of men from being our customers 
in order that they might continue to be our slaves. 

Should this doting wisdom continue ? 

It is impossible for me to explain in this address 
all the misapprehensions. I have already explained my 
views as fully as possible in my papers. These views were 
at first ridiculed and pooh-poohed till the highest financial 
authorities, the latest Finance Ministers themselves, 
admitted the extreme poverty of India. Lord Cromer 
summed up the situation in these remarkable words in 
1882 : “ It has been calculated that the average income per 
head of population in India is not more than Rs. 27 a 
year.” “ In England the average income per year per 
head of population was <£33 ; in France it was <£23 ; in 
Turkey which was the poorest country in Europe, it was 
£4 a head.” Comment is unnecessary. Let us and the 
Government not live in a fool’s paradise, or time may 
bring disasters to both when it is too late to stop them. 
This poverty is the greatest danger both to us and the 
rulers. In what shapes and varieties of forms the disease 
of poverty may attack the body-politic, and bring out and 
aggravate other evils, it is difficult to tell or foresee, but 
that there is danger of “ most serious order,” as the 
Secretary of State declares, nobody can deny. 

INDIAN LOYALTY. 

Were the people of British India allowed to enjoy the 
fruits of their own labour and resources, and were fair 
relations established between the British and Indian 
peoples, with India contented and prosperous, Britain 
may defy half-a-dozen Russias. ( Loud cheers.) Indians 
will then fight to the last man and to the last rupee for 


44 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


their share, as patriots and not as mercenaries. The 
rulers will have only to stamp their foot, and millions will 
spring up to defend the British power and their own 
hearths and homes. ( Renewed cheering.) 

We, the Congress, are only desirous of supporting 
Government, and having this important matter of 
poverty grappled with and settled, we are anxious to 
prevent “ the Political danger” of the “most serious order,” 
declared to exist by the Secretary of State himself. We 
desire that the British connection should endure for a 
long time to come for the sake of our material and 
political elevation among the civilised nations of the world. 
It is no pleasure or profit to us to complain unnecessarily 
or wantonly about this poverty. 

Were we enemies of British rule, our best course 
would be, not to cry out, but remain silent, and let the 
mischief take its course till it ends in disaster as it must. 
But we do not want that disaster, and we therefore cry 
out, both for our own sake, and for the sake of the 
rulers. This evil of poverty must be boldly faced and 
remedied. 

This is the question to which vve shall have to devote 
our best energies. We have, no doubt, to contend- against 
many difficulties, but they must be surmounted for every- 
body’s sake. 

COSTLY ARMY AND CIVIL SERVICES. 

The next subject to which I desire to draw your 
attention is this. We have a large costly European 
Army and European Ciril Services. It is not to be 
supposed that in these remarks I accept the necessity for 
them. I take at present the situation as it is. 1 now 
submit to the calm consideration of the British people 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893 . 

and Government these questions. Is all this European 
service entirely for the sole benefit of India ? Has the 
United Kingdom no interest or benefit in it? Does not 
the greatness of, and the greatest benefit to, the United 
Kingdom arise from its connection with India ? Should 
not the cost of such greatness and great benefits be shared 
by the United Kingdom in proportion to its means and 
benefit ? Are not these European services especially 
imposed upon us on the clearly admitted and declared 
ground of maintaining the British power ? Let us see 
what our rulers themselves say. 

BRITISH VIEWS ON THE COSTLY INDIAN ADMINISTRATION. 

Lord Beaconsfield said: — 

We had to decide what was the best step to counteract the 
efforts Russia was then making, for though war had not been 
declared, her movements had commenced in Central Asia, and the 
struggle has commenced which was to decide for ever which power 
should possess the great gates of India, and that the real question 
at issue was whether England should possess the gates of her own 
great empire in India, and whether the time had not arrived when 
we could no longer delay that the problem should be solved and 
in a manner as it has been solved by Her Majesty’s Government. — 
Hansard, Vol. 250, p. 1094, 25th February, 1880. 

Again he says : — 

We resolved that the time has come when this country should 
acquire the complete command and possession of the gates of the 
Indian Empire. Let me at least believe that the Peers of England 
are still determined to uphold not only the empire but the honour 
of this country. 

Can any words be more emphatic to show the vast and 
most vital stakes, honour and interests of the United 
Kingdom ? 

Lord Kimberley, the Secretary of State for India, tells 
us : — 


46 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


“We are resolutely determined to maintain our supremacy over 
our Indian Empire . . . . “ that among other things,” he says, 

“ that supremacy rests upon the maintenance of our European 
Civil Service,” “ that we rest also upon the magnificent European 
Force which we maintain in that country.” — Times , 13th June, 
1893. Mansion House Dinner to Lord Roberts. 

This again is another emphatic declaration of the vast 
stakes and interests of the United Kingdom for which 
the European Services are maintained entirely at our 
expense. 

I shall give one more authority only. 

See what a man like Lord Roberts, the symbol of 
physical force admits. He says to the London Chamber 
of Commerce : — 

“I rejoice to learn that you recognise how indissolubly the 
prosperity of the United Kingdom is bound up with the 
retention of that vast Eastern Empire.” ( Times , 25 May, 1893. 
Dinner by the London Chamber of Commerce.) 

And again he says at Glasgow : 

“ That the retention of our Eastern Empire is essential to the 
greatness and prosperity of the United Kingdom.” ( Times , 29th 

July, 1893.) 

Now, I ask again, that with all such deep, vast and great 
interests, and the greatness and prosperity of the United 
Kingdom, essentially depending on the Eastern Empire, 
and indissolubly bound up with it, is it reasonable, is it 
just and fair, is it British that all the cost of such great- 
ness, glory, and prosperity of the United Kingdom should 
be entirely, to the last farthing thrown upon the wretched 
Indians, as if the only relations existing between the 
United Kingdom and India were not of mutual benefit, 
but of mere masters and slaves as Macaulay pointed out to 
be deprecated. (Applause and cries of “no, no”.) 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 47 

As for the navy, the Times regards and it is generally 
admitted that the very existence of Britain itself depends 
upon the command of the sea. The Times says : 

“ They will never forgive the Minister or the Ministry that leaves 
them weaker at sea than any possible combination of France and 
another power.” 

By a telegram I read at Aden I found Mr. Gladstone 
“ re-affirmed the necessity of British supremacy.” 

For any war vessels that may be stationed in India for 
the protection of the interests of both, the expenditure may 
be fairly shared. 

IRELAND AND INDIA CONTRASTED re FINANCIAL ADJUSTMENT. 

In the Bill for the better government of Ireland there 
are provisions by which Ireland is required to pay a 
certain share of the Imperial expenditure according to its 
means, and when necessary to pay a similar share of any 
extraordinary expenditure, Ireland having all its resources 
at its own command. Now see how vastly different is 
our position. Not only will Ireland have all her internal 
services, Irish or under Irish rules causing no foreign 
drain from her, but she will also, as she has always enjoy- 
ed, continue to enjoy her share in all the gain and glory 
of the British Empire. Irishmen can be Viceroys, 
Governors, and have any of the appointments in the 
military or civil services of the Empire, with the additional 
advantage of a large number of members in Parliament. 
The Indians, on the other hand, have not only no such 
share at all in the gains and glory of the British Empire, 
but are excluded even from the services of their own 
country, with the consequences of an exhausting foreign 
drain, of the deplorable evils foretold by Sir John Shore 
and subjected to the imposition cf every farthing of the 


48 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


expenditure. Nor has India anj 7 votes in Parliament. 
And we have now the additional misfortune that the 
British Cabinet, since the transfer to the Crown, is no 
longer the independent tribunal to judge between us and 
the Indian authorities, and this adds heavily to our 
difficulties for obtaining justice and redress, except so far 
as the sense of justice of the non-official members of the 
Parliament helps us. 

INDIAN MILITARY EXPENDITURE. 

There is a strange general misapprehension among 
the people of the United Kingdom. They do not seem to 
know T that they have not spent a single shilling either in the 
formation of the British Indian Empire or in its maintenance 
and that as far as I know, every farthing is taken from the 
Indians, with the only exception in my knowledge that 
Mr. Gladstone with his sense of justice allowed <£5,000,000 
towards the last Afghan War, which, without having anj T 
voice in it, cost India £21,000,000. ( Loud cries of “ Shame.”) 
I cannot blame the people of the United Kingdom gener- 
ally for this mistake, when even well -informed papers 
give utterances to this most unfortunate fallacy. As for 
instance, a paper like the Statist , in the extract which my 
friend Mr. Dinshaw E. Wacha gave you last year, says : 
“ Whatever may happen, we must defend India to our 
last shilling and our last man,” while the fact is that 
they have not spent even their first shilling or any shilling 
at all, ( laughter ) but on the contrary derived benefits in 
various ways from India of millions on millions every year. 
(“ Shame. 7 ’) Nor have the fighters in creating and main- 
taining the British Indian Empire been only the British 
soldier to “ the last man.” Indian soldiers have done the 
main work, and if India can be made prosperous and 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893 . 49 


contented as it can be by true statesmanship, the Indian 
soldier will be ready to fight to “ the last man ” to defend 
British power. ( Loud cheers.') 

Britain in fact cannot send to India “ to its last man.” 
The very idea is absurd ; on the contrary she can draw 
from India for her European purpose an inexhaustible 
strength. 

Again, the Statist says : — “ We are at this moment 
spending large sums of money in preparing against a 
Russian attack.” Not a farthing of the British money? 
Every farthing of these “ large sums,” which are crushing 
us, is “ imposed ” upon the people of British India. 
Such misleading statements are often made in the English 
Press to our great injury. (“ Shame .”) 

I repeat, then, that we must submit to the just con- 
sideration of the British people and Parliament whether 
it is just and right that they should not pay a fair share 
according to their stakes and means, towards all such 
expenditure as is incurred for the benefit of both India 
and the United Kingdom, such expenditure, and the 
respective share of each, being settled on a peace footing, 
any extraordinary expenditure against any foreign invasion 
being also further fairly shared. 

Before closing this subject, I may just remark that 
while leaving necessarily the highest offices of power and 
control, such as Viceroys and Governors to Europeans, 
I regard the enormous European Services as a great 
political and imperial weakness, in critical political times 
to the British power, as well as the cause, as the present 
Duke of Devonshire pointed out, of the insufficiency of an 
efficient administration of the country ; and also the main 
cause of the evils foretold by Sir John Shore, and admit- 

4 


50 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


ted by the Secretary of State for India, after a hundred 
years, as a political danger of 44 a most serious order 
and of the poverty of India. 

BRITISH OPINIONS ON THE BURDEN OF THE INDIAN 
TAXPAYER. 

I would not say much upon the next subject, as you 
have had only lately the highest testimonies of two 
Viceroys and three Secretaries of State for India — of 
Lord Northbrook and Lord Ripon, and of the Duke of 
Argyll, Lord Cross, and Lord Kimberley. You remember 
the debate raised by Lord Northbrook in the House of 
Lords a few months ago that the Home Military 

Charges were unfair and unjust, and all the authori- 
ties I have named endorsed the complaint. But 

even the heads of the Indian authorities are so 
much in terror of the Treasury that Lord Kimberley 

said : — 44 The India Office has no particular desire that 
the question should be re-opened and discussed anew, 
for bitter experience has taught the department that the 
re-opening of a question of this kind generally results in 
the imposition of additional charges.” Is this one other 
disadvantage of the transfer to the Crown? Lord Kimberley 
hit the nail on the head why India was so unfairly 
treated (and the same may be applied to such other treat- 
ment of India by the Indian authorities themselves) when 
he said : — 44 The reasons why proposals that must throw 
fresh burdens on the Government of India are so fre- 
quently made in the House of Commons is that those who 
make them know that their own pockets will not suffer in 
the desire to make things agreeable and comfortable. 
{Laughter.) The taxpayers of the country exercise no 
eheck upon such proposals, and the consequence is that 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 51 

charges are sometimes imposed upon the Government of 
India which that Government thinks unjust and unneces- 
sary.” It must be borne in mind that charges “ imposed 
on the Government of India ” means the suffering party 
is the poor taxpayer of India. 

The Duke of Argyll characterises these charges as 
“ unjust and illegal tribute to England.” But mark 
the words of Lord Cross : — “ I am certain that in the 
course of a few years the Indian people will force 
us to do them justice.” This is just the feature “ to be 
forced to do justice ” which I always deplore. We desire 
that all necessary reforms and acts of justice should be 
spontaneous on the part of Britain, in good grace and in 
good time as gifts claiming our gratitude, and not to 
wait till “ forced,” with loss of grace from the giver and 
the loss of gratitude from the receiver. ( Hear , hear.) 

I offer my thanks to Lord Northbrook and other Lords 
for that debate, though yet barren of any result. But we 
may fairly hope that such debate must sooner or later 
produce good results. It is like a good seed sown and will 
fructify. 

Here are some smaller items : The cost of the India 
Office Building of about half-a-million, of the Boyal Engi- 
neering College of XI 34,000, and of other buildings is all 
cast on India. The cost of the Colonial Office Building, 
X100,000, is paid from the British Exchequer. The India 
Office Establishment, etc., about £230,000 a year, is all 
imposed on India, while the £41,000 of the Colonial Office 
and £168,000 for Colonial Services are paid from the 
British Exchequer. The Public Debt of India (excluding 
Railway and Productive Works) is incurred in creating and 
preserving the British power, but all our cries to give m 


52 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NA©ROJI. 


at least the benefit of a British guarantee have been in 
vain, with the curious suicidal effort of showing to the 
world that the British Government itself has no confi- 
dence in the stability of its own power in India, (Hear, 
hear.) 

In 1870, Mr. Gladstone declared India to be 44 too much 
burdened when the Annual Expenditure was .£39,000, 
000 ; what expression can be used now when, with an ex- 
tremely poor income, the burden now is nearly 75 per cent., 
heavier, or Its. 68,000,000 this year. 

SEPARATION OF EXECUTIVE AND JUDICIAL FUNCTIONS. 

Passing on to the other subjects, I hope the separation 
of Executive and Judicial functions will receive attention 
as its necessity has been recognised. We have to persevere 
for this as well as for other parts of our programme, 
bearing in mind one great difficulty we have to contend 
with. Unfortunately the Indian authorities when they 
determine to do or not to do a thing under the notion of 
preserving prestige and strength, as if any false prestige 
can be a strength, disregard even Resolutions or Acts of 
Parliament itself, and resort to every device to carry 
their own point of view. ( Loud cries of 44 Shame”) We 
cannot expect Parliament to watch Indian affairs from day 
to day, and therein lies the impunity and immunity of 
the Indian administration. 

I shall refer to only two instances : First, the case of 
the misleadingly called 44 The ^Statutory Service,” and 
what in reality was created out of, and as a part and 
parcel of, the Covenanted Civil Service. I can speak with 
some authority, for I was the very proposer of the Memo- 
rial of the East India Association to Sir Stafford 
Northcote which resulted in the Clause of the Act of 1870. 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 53 

But the Indian authorities would not have it. They 
moved heaven and earth to thwart it ; it is a long and 
a sad story for the good name of Britain, and they never 
rested till they made the Statute a dead letter, though it 
still stands on the Statute Book of the Imperial Parlia- 
ment. (“ Shame.”) However, I hear with pleasure, and 
I hope it is true, that a disposition has arisen, for 
which I understand Lord Kimberley is to be thanked, 
to redress this glaring and unfortunate wrong — unfortunate 
for British prestige, for British honour and British good 
faith, and I do hope that the Government would do this 
redress ungrudgingly, with good grace, completeness and 
generosity. This instance illustrates another unfortunate 
phase of the Administration. 

INDIAN FOREST SERVICE. 

The Forest Department is recruited by examinations in 
England and by selection in India. Such selection is 
not based upon a Resolution or Act of Parliament, but 
upon the will of the authorities and consisting of Euro- 
peans. The Government of India in Resolution No. 18 
F, of 29th July, 1891, have described them as untrained 
and uncovenanted officers, who have been unconditionally 
appointed in past years, and yet they are ordered in the 
regular Indian Forest Service ; while those Native Civi- 
lians, created and backed by an Act of Parliament, as 
distinctly belonging to the Covenanted Civil Service, are 
excluded from that Civil Service to which the Act dis- 
tinctly appointed them. Can such difference of treatment 
of Europeans and Indians preserve British prestige for 
honour and justice, and would it increase or diminish 
the existing attachment of the Indians to British 
rule ? 


54 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


THE STATE REGULATION OF VICE. 

The second instance was the practical disregard of the 
Resolution of the House of Commons about the State 
regulation of vice. But in this case there were vigilant 
watchers like Mrs. Butler, Mr. Stansfeld, M.P., Mr. 
Stuart, M.P., and others, and they did not allow the 
Resolution to become a dead letter. In this case also I 
am glad to find that the Indian authorities now mean 
to give loyal effect to the Resolution, and well 
may they do so, for the sake of the British good name, 
fame, and prestige, for morality of every kind upon which 
mainly British strength and influence rest. 

THE CURRENCY QUESTION. 

On the Currency Question I need not dwell much. My 
views are not unknown to you. Now that the Sherman 
Law is repealed by the United States, we may hope to see 
a settled condition in time. No amount of currency, 
jugglery or devices in this country could have any influ- 
ence (except that of creating troubles in the country it- 
self, as has happened) on the loss in the remittances to 
England for Home charges which must be paid in gold, 
and will fluctuate with the rise or fall of gold in the 
United Kingdom. As if this crushing loss was not enough 
for the wretched taxpayers, further burdens were laid to 
make things agreeable and comfortable with other people’s 
money, as Lord Kimberley would say, of high exchange 
to the European officials, and the further most unwar- 
ranted payment of <£138,000 to the banks, with whose 
transactions in profits or loss the taxpayer has no connec- 
tion whatever. (“ Shame , shame. ”) Some strange prece- 
dents are made in this matter to silence opposition and to 
support banks at the expense of the taxpayers, which will 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 55 


lead to serious troubles in the future. Should not the 
millowners and other concerns also claim compensation 
for the dislocation of their industry or transactions by 
the currency action of the Government, as Government 
itself admits to have caused such dislocation ? Would the 
British Exchequer have paid any such money to the Bri- 
tish banks ? Such a thing would never have been thought 
of. The utmost that is done in any crisis is allowing the 
Bank of England to issue more notes under strong restric- 
tions. Had the banks made profits instead of loss, would 
they have handed them to the taxpayer ? Then it 
would have been called the reward of shrewdness, foresight, 
enterprise, etc., etc. 

The whole currency troubles from which India is suffer- 
ing, and which are so peculiar to India and so deplorable 
to the Indian taxpayer, and from which no other silver- 
using country suffers, is one of the best illustrations and 
object-lessons, and proof of the soundness of Sir John 
Shore’s prophecy about the evil consequences of the 
present unnatural system of a remote foreign dominion, 
or as the Secretary of State called the danger of “ a most 
serious order.” 

The currency muddle will necessitate new taxation. 
The usual easy and unchecked resource of putting off the 
evil day by borrowing is already resorted to, and in the 
spirit of keeping things agreeable and comfortable to those 
who have votes in Parliament, there is danger of increase 
in the salt tax. I do hope that Government will have 
some moral courage and some mercy upon the wretched 
taxpayer, and reduce even the salt tax by re-imposing the 
cotton duties. Not that by this means India will be saved 
a pie from the addition of burdens, but that a little better 


56 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI 1NAOKOJI. 


able shoulders will hatfe to bear them, or, as Lord 
Salisbury once coolly put it, that as India must be bled, 
the lancet should be directed to the parts where there was 
at least sufficient blood, not to those which are already 
feeble from the want of it. 

RELATIONS BETWEEN THE GOVERNMENT AND THE 
NATIVE STATES. 

Another subject of our future work to which I need 
only touch now is the relations of the Government 
with the Native States. There is much unnecessary 
irritation and dissatisfaction where there ought to be the 
pleasantest harmony with much greater devoted loyalty 
than what even now really exists. And it is also a, great 
mistake for a foreign power not to draw the military capa- 
city and spirit of the country to their own side by giving 
it a fair career and interest in their own service. Make 
the military races feel it to their advantage and interest 
to be loyal to the British rule instead of keeping them 
alienated from the Government. 

FELLOW-FEELING AND COMMON NATIONALITY. 

I need not say more upon our future work, as various 
Resolutions of importance will be placed before you for 
your consideration, and I am sure you will deliberate with 
that moderation and fairness for which you have already 
distinguished yourselves and acquired just credit, and for 
which I offer you my hearty congratulations. You re- 
cognise, I have no doubt, that at every turn you have yet 
serious questions to grapple with and much work to do. 

Any one who has watched my public career must have 
seen that my main underlying principle and the desire of 
my heart is to promote, as far as I can, good fellow-feeling 
among all my countrymen. {Loud applause.) And I have 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893 . 57 

on doubt that all the educated and thinking men and all 
true friends of our own country will continue to do all 
that lies in their power to bring about stronger and 
stronger friendly ties of common nationality, fellow-feeling 
and due deference to each other’s views and feelings 
amongst the whole people of our country. 

GOVERNMENT AND LAWLESSNESS. 

Government must be firm and just in case of any un- 
fortunate differences ; as far as Government are concerned 
their duty is clearly to put down with a strong hand any 
lawlessness or disturbance of the peace, no matter who the 
parties concerned may be. They can only stand, as they 
ought, on the only sure and right foundation of even-handed 
justice to all, and cannot allow any one to take the law 
into his own hands ; the only wise policy is to adhere to 
their declared policy of strict neutrality and equal protec- 
tion and justice to all creeds. (Hear, hear.) 

I was much pleased, to read in the papers that cordial 
conferences had been held between Muhammadans and 
Hindus in various places to device means to prevent any 
deplorable occurrences happening in the future. 

HARMONY AND UNTON BETWEEN DIFFERENT RACES. 

Looking back to the past as my own personal experi- 
ence of my life, and as far back as 1 know of earlier days, 
at least on my side of India, I feel a congratulation that 
all association and societies of members of all creeds have 
worked together in harmony and union, without any con- 
sideration of class or creed in all matters concerning our 
common national public and political interests. No doubt, 
latterly, even in such common matters, differences of views 
have arisen and will arise, but such differences of views, 
when genuine, are healthy, just as is the case in the 


58 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


United Kingdom itself with its two political parties. 
(Hear, hear.) 

What makes me still more gratified and look forward 
hopefully in the future is that our Congress has not only 
worked so far in the union and concord of all classes and 
creeds, but has taken care to provide that such harmony 
should continue in the future. As early as in the Congress 
at Allahabad of 1888, you passed this Resolution(XlII) : — 

That no subject shall be passed for discussion by the Subject 
Committee, or allowed to be discussed at any Congress by the 
President thereof, to the introduction of which the Hindu or 
Muhammadan delegates as a body object unanimously or nearly 
unanimously ; and that if, after the discussion of any subject 
which has been admitted for discussion, it shall appear that all 
the Hindu or all the Muhammadan delegates as a body are unani- 
mously or nearly unanimously opposed to the Resolution which it 
is proposed to pass thereon, such Resolution shall be dropped ; 
provided that this rule shall refer only to subjects in regard to 
which the Congress has not already definitely pronounced an 
opinion. 

As I have already said, the highest wish of my heart is 
that all the people of India should regard and treat each 
other as fellow-countrymen, with fellow-feeling for the 
good of all. {Applause.) 

We may, I am convinced, rest fully assured that what- 
ever political or national benefit we may acquire will in 
one or other way benefit all classes, {Hear, hear.) the bene- 
fit of each taking various forms. The interests of us all 
are the same. We are all in the same boat. We must 
sink or swim together. Government cannot but treat us 
all alike. It is unreasonable for us to expect from them, 
and unjust and unwise for them to show, any undue favour 
to any particular class or community. The only solid 
foundation for them is justice and impartiality, and the 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893 . 59 


only just demand from us also can only be justice and 
impartiality. ( Loud applause.) 

If the country is prosperous, then if one gets scope in 
one walk of life, another will have in another walk of life. 
As our Indian saying goes : “ If there is water in the 

well it will come to the cistern.” If we have the well of 
prosperity we shall be able to draw each our share from it. 
But if the well is dry we must all go without any at all. 

FOUNDATIONS OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 

A word for the basis upon which the strength of British 
power stands. Britain can hold India, or any one country 
can hold another, by moral force only. You can build 
up an empire by arms or ephemeral brute phj'sical force, 
but you can preserve it by the eternal moral forces only. 
Brute force will, some time or other, break down ; righte- 
ousness alone is everlasting. (Cheers.) Well and truly 
has Lord Ripon said “ that the British power and in- 
fluence rests upon the conviction of our good faith more 
than upon the valour of our soldiers or the reputation of 
our arms.” (Applause.) Mr. Gladstone says : 

“ It is the predominance of that moral force for which I heartily 
pray in the deliberations of this House and the conduct of our 
whole public policy, for I am convinced that upon that predomi- 
nance depends that which should be the first object of all our 
desires, as it is of all our daily official prayers, namely, that union 
of heart and sentiment which constitutes the truest basis of 
strength at home, and therefore both of strength and good fame 
throughout the civilised world.” — Debates, 9th August, 1892. p„ 
1892. (Applause.) 

And here is a remarkable instance cited by Mr. Glad- 
stone of a people of a different race becoming attached even 
to the much despised Turkish rule. How much more will 
the people of India, if contented and prosperous, become 


60 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


attached to the rule of such a people as the British ? 
Referring to Lebanon, Mr. Gladstone said : — 

“ Owing to the wise efforts of Lord Dufferin and others about 
thirty years ago, local management was established since which 
the province has become contented and attached to the Turkish 
Empire.” 

Lord Roberts, the apostle of British strong arm to 
maintain British power, and though much imbued with 
many of the prejudices against the progress of the Indians, 
as a true soldier, admits without hesitation what be con- 
siders as the only solid foundation upon which British 
strength must forever rest. He says : 

“ But however efficient and well equipped the army of India 
may be, were it indeed absolute perfection and were its numbers 
considerably more than they are at present, our greatest strength 
must ever rest on the firm base of a united and contented India.” 

Truer and more statesmanlike words could not be 
uttered. Permit me to give one more extract. Mr. 
Gladstone, referring to Irish Home Rule, said : 

“ There can be no nobler spectacle than that which we think 
is now drawing upon us, the spectacle of a nation deliberately set 
on the removal of injustice, deliberately determined to break, not 
through terror and not in haste, but under the sole influence of 
duty and honour, determined to break with whatever remains still 
existing of an evil tradition, and determined in that way at once 
to pay a debt of justice and to consult by a bold, wise, and good 
act its own interests and its own honour.” 

Am 1 at all unreasonable in hoping that such noble 
statesmanship, honour, and good faith of the British peo- 
ple will, in fullness of time, also extend to India similar 
justice ? I shall hope as long as I live. 

INDIAN NATIONALITY. 

Let us always remember that we are all children of our 
mother country. Indeed, I have never worked in any 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 61 

other spirit than that I am an Indian, (Cheers.) and owe 
duty to my country and all my countrymen. Whether 
I am a Hindu, a Muhammadan, a Parsi, a Christian, or 
of any other creed, I am above all an Indian. Our country 
is India ; our nationality is Indian. (Loud cheers.) 

The question for us, especially a body like this, who 
have received the blessings of education, is : How are we 

to perform our duty to our country? Certainly no one 
requires to be taught that no great cause or object can ever 
be accomplished without great sacrifices — personal and 
pecuniary. We can never succeed with the British peo- 
ple by mere declamations. We must show that we believe 
in the justice of our cause by our earnestness and self- 
sacrifice. (Hear, hear.) 

LEARN TO MAKE SACRIFICES. 

I desire now to impress upon my countrymen with all 
the earnestness I am capable of to prepare themselves for 
sacrifices. We observe every day what sacrifices the Bri- 
tish people make for attaining any object, great or small 
and how persistently they stick to it ; and among the 
lessons which we are learning from them let us learn this 
particular one, with the double advantage and effect of 
showing that Indians have public spirit and love of their 
country, and also proving that they are earnest in what 
they are asking. (Applause.) 

ORGANISED EFFORTS. 

Our work for the amelioration of our country and for 
obtaining all the rights and benefits of British citizen- 
ship will go on increasing, and it is absolutely necessary 
that our organization, both here and in the United King- 
dom, should be much improved and made complete. 
Without good organisation no important work can be 


62 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOKOJI. 


successfully done ; and that means much pecuniary and 
personal sacrifice. We must remember the Congress 
meets once a year. The General Secretaries and the 
Standing Committees have to carry out the details and in- 
form the circles of the work and resolutions of the Congress. 

CONGRESS WORK IN LONDON. 

But the most important and national work formulated 
by the Congress has to be done with watchfulness, day 
after day, in London by your British Committee. ( Cheers . 
And, further, by your Resolution XII, of the seventh 
Session, you “ urged them (the Committee) to widen 
henceforth the sphere of their usefulness by interesting 
themselves not only in those questions dealt with by the 
Congress, but in all Indian matters submitted to them and 
properly vouched for in which any principle accepted by 
the Congress is involved.” ( Renewed cheering.) 

Fancy what this means. Why, it is another India 
Office! You have put all India’s every-day work upon the 
shoulders of the Committee. It becomes exceedingly 
necessarj 7 for efficient and good work to have some paid 
person or persons to devote time to study the merits of 
all the representations which pour in with every mail, 
or by telegrams, before any action can be taken on 
them. It is in the United Kingdom that all our 
great fights are to be fought, all our national and 
imperial questions are to be settled, and it is to our 
British Committee in London that we have to look for the 
performance of all this responsible and arduous work, 
with the unfortunate feature that we have to contend 
against many adverse influences, prepossessions and mis- 
understandings. We have to make the British people 
unlearn a good deal. 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 63 

On the other hand, we have this hopeful feature also 
that we have not only many British friends, but also 
Anglo-Indians, who, in the true spirit of justice and of 
the gratitude to the country to which they owe their past 
career and future provision, appreciate the duty they owe 
to India, and are desirous to help us, and to preserve the 
British Empire by the only certain means of justice, the 
honour and righteousness of the British people, and by 
the contentment and prosperity of India. 

You know well how much we owe to the present 
English members of our Committee, Sir William Wed- 
derburn, ( Three vheers for Sir William Wedderburn.) 
Mr. Hume, Mr. Reynolds, Mr. Adam, Mr. Schwann, M.P., 
and Mr. McLaren, M.P. If we want all such help at the 
fountain head of power without which we cannot do much 
good, we must take care to supply them always, promptly 
and accurately, all necessary sinews of war. (Hear, hear 
and applause .) 

CONGRESS ORGAN 4 4 INDIA.” 

Then there is the journal 44 INDIA,” without which 
our work will not be half as efficient as with it. It is an 
absolute necessity as an instrument and part of the organi- 
zation. Every possible effort must be made to give it the 
widest circulation possible both here and in the United King- 
dom. I wish it could be made weekly instead of monthly. 

With proper effort ten-thousand copies should be easily 
disposed of here as a beginning, and we must do this. 

DADABHAl’s SUCCESSFUL ELECTION TO THE BRITISH 
PARLIAMENT. 

This is the first opportunity I have of meeting you 
after the Congress of 1886, over which I had the honour 
to preside at Calcutta. Let me now thank you personally for 


64 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI, 


your constant remembrance of me, for your unceasing 
encouragement, and for }mur two most kind and gratify- 
ing resolutions passed at the last two sessions as represen- 
tatives of every class and creed, and almost wholly consist- 
ing of Hindu and Muhammadan delegates, and each 
delegate being elected by and representative of the 
whole mixed community of the place he represents, on 
the basis of common interest and nationality. I must 
beg your indulgence to record those Resolutions in this 
address. The first Resolution (XIV) passed by the 
Seventh Congress in 1891, while I was a candidate, is 
this : — 

Resolved, that this Congress hereby puts formally on record 
its high esteem and deep appreciation of the great services which 
Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji has rendered, during more than a quarter of 
a century, to the cause of India, and it expresses its unshaken 
confidence in him, and its earnest hope that he may prove success- 
ful at the coming election, in his candidature for Central Finsbury; 
and at the same time tenders, on behalf of the vast population it 
represents, India’s most cordial acknowledgments to all in England 
whether in Central Finsbury or elsewhere, who have aided or may 
aid him to win a seat in the House of Commons. 

I need not say how right earnestly Central Finsbury 
listened to your appeal and fulfilled your hope, for which 
we owe them our most unstinted thanks, and to all those 
who helped in or out of Central Finsbury. ( Loud 
applause.) 

I may here once more express my hearty thanks to 
many ladies and gentlemen who worked hard for my 
election . After 1 was elected, you passed the second 
Resolution (XVI.) in the last Session. I may point here 
to the significant incident that in that Congress there 
was, I think, only one Parsi delegate and he even not the 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 65 

delegate of Parsis, but of all classes of the people. This 
Resolution was : — 

Resolved that this Congress most respectfully and cordially 
tenders, on behalf of the vast population it represents, India’s 
most heartfelt thanks to the Electors of Central Finsbury for 
electing Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji their Member in the House of 
Commons ; and it again puts on record its high esteem and deep 
appreciation of the services which that gentleman has rendered to 
this country, reiterates its unshaken confidence in him, and looks 
upon him as India’s representative in the House of Commons. 

DADABHAI RETURNS THANKS TO ALL INDIANS. 

Let me also now take this opportunity, on Indian soil, 
to tender my most heartfelt thanks for the telegrams, 
letters, and addresses of congratulation which I received 
from all parts and classes of India — literally I may say 
from the prince to the peasant, from members of all creeds, 
from Hindus, Muhammadans, Christians, Parsis, from 
Ceylon, from the High Priest of Budhists, and Budhists, 
and other residents from the Cape, British Guiana, Aus- 
tralia, and in short from every part of the British Empire 
where there were Indian residents. Ladies and Gentlemen, 
put aside my personality and let me join in your rejoicings 
as an Indian in the great event in Indian annals of an 
Indian finding his way in the Imperial Parliament. 
( Loud and prolonged cheering .) 

And lastly, beginning from the distant Western Gate of 
India, where the Indian residents of Aden, of all creeds, 
gave me a most hearty reception ; then the great portal of 
India, the dear old City of my birth, gave me a most 
magnificent -welcome with its never-ceasing kindness to- 
wards me, Poona doing her best to vie with Bombay, and 
through the Punjab so splendidly ; and this series of wel- 
come now ending in your extraordinary one which I am 

5 


66 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


utterly unable to describe. Is there any reward more 
grand and more gratifying than the esteem, the joy with 
my joy, the sorrow with my sorrow, and above all the 
u unshaken confidence ” of my fellow-countrymen and 
country-women of our grand, old, beloved country ? 

I may refer to an incident which, as it is satisfactory, 
is also very significant of the real desire of the British 
people to do justice to India. The congratulations on my 
election from all parts of the United Kingdom also were 
as hearty and warm as we could desire, and expressing 
satisfaction that an Indian would be able to voice the 
wants and aspirations of India in the House of Commons. 

LONDON CONGRESS. 

I can assure the Congress that, as I hope and wish, if 
you will pay an early visit to the United Kingdom and 
hold a Session there, you will obtain a kind and warm re- 
ception from its peoples. And you will, by such direct 
and personal appeal to the British Nation, accomplish a 
vast amount of good. (. Hear, hear.) 

FAITH IN BRITISH FAIR-PLAY AND JUSTICE. 

Our fate and our future are in our own hands. If 
we are true to ourselves and to our country and make 
all the necessary sacrifices for our elevation and amelior- 
ation, I, for one have not the shadow of a doubt that in 
dealing with such justice-loving, fair-minded people as the 
British, we may rest fully assured that, we shall not 
work in vain. It is this conviction which has supported 
me against all difficulties. I have never faltered in my 
faith in the British character and have always believed 
that the time will come when the sentiments of the Bri- 
tish Nation and our Gracious Sovereign proclaimed to us 
in our Great Charter of the Proclamation of 1858 will 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, LAHORE, 1893. 67 

be realised, {Applause.) viz., “ In their prosperity will be 
our strength, in their contentment our best reward." 
And let us join in the prayer that followed this hopeful 
declaration of our Sovereign : “ May the God of all power 
grant to us and to those in authority under us strength 
to carry out these our wishes for the good of our 
people.” 

DADABHAl’s EXHORTATION. 

My last prayer and exhortation to the Congress and 
to all my countrymen is — Go on united and earnest, in 
concord and harmony, with moderation, with loyalty to 
the British rule and patriotism towards our country, and 
success is sure to attend our efforts for our just demands, 
und the day I hope is not distant when the World will 
see the noblest spectacle of a great nation like the British 
holding out the hand of true fellow-citizenship and of 
justice to the vast mass of humanity of this great and 
ancient land of India with benefits and blessings to the 
human race. {Loud and prolonged cheering.) 


Twenty-second Congress — Calcutta — 1906. 


— 

INTRODUCTION. 

Raja Peari Mohun Mukerjee, Dr. Rashbehari Ghose,. 
and my friends : — I thank you from the bottom of my 
heart for proposing me to be the President of the Indian 
National Congress on this occasion. You may rest assur- 
ed that I feel from the bottom of my heart the honour 
that you have done me and in my humble way 1 would 
fulfil the important duty you have called me to perform. 
I cannot undertake at present to read my whole address 
though I expected I would be able to do so. I would 
ask my friend Mr. Gokhale to read it for me. I v/ould 
just make the beginning and say that I thank you most 
sincerely for honouring me for the third time by electing 
me to the Presidentship of the Indian National Congress.. 
I hope I shall have your co-operation, help and support. I 
am obliged to express my deep sorrow at the losses which 
the country has sustained by the deaths of Mr. W. C- 
Ronnerjee, Mr. Anand Mohan Bose, Mr. Budrudin 
Tyabji and Mr. M. Veeraragliava Chariar. 

Mr. Gokhale then read the following Presidential 
Add re ss at the request of Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji : — 


President’s Address. 

61 Good government could never be a substitute for govern- 
ment by the people themselves. ” 

(Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman , Stirling , 23 — 11 — 1905.)- 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906. 69 

But this I do say that politicial principles are after all 
the root of our national greatness, strength and hope.” 
(Mr. John Morley , King's Hall , Holborn , J — 6 — 1901). 
u But if you meddle wrongly with economic things, 
gentlemen, be very sure you are then going to the 
very life, to the heart, to the core of your national 
existence.” 

{Free- Trade Hall , Manchester ,19 — 10 — 1903. ) 

Ladies and Gentlemen, — I thank you most sincerely 
for honouring me for the third time with the President- 
ship of the Indian National Congress. I hope I shall have 
your cordial help and support. 

I may here express my deep sorrow at the loss India 
has suffered in the deaths of Mr. W. C. Bonnerjee, Justice 
Budrudin Tyabji, Mr. Anand Mohan Bose and Mr. 
Veeraraghava Chariar. 

I offer my sincere thanks to the “ Parliament Branch 
of the United Irish League,” the Breakfast Meeting, the 
North Lambeth Liberal and Radical Club and the Nation- 
al Democratic League for their enthusiastic and cordial 
godspeed to me. 

This is the first Congress after its having come of age. 
It is time that we should carefulty consider what the posi- 
tion of the Indians is at present and what their future 
should be. 

In considering this important matter I do not intend 
to repeat my lamentations over the past. I want only to 
look to the future. 

The work of the Congress consists of two parts: — 
First and most important is the question of the policy 
and principles of the system of Government under which 
India ought to be governed in the future. 


70 SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOEOJI. 

Second is to watch the operation of the administration 
as it now exists, to propose from time to time any reforms 
and changes that may be deemed necessary to be made in 
the various departments, till the present system of govern- 
ment is radically altered and based upon right principles 
and policy in the accomplishment of the first part mention- 
ed above. 

I desire to devote my address mainly to the first part 
of the work of the Congress, viz., the policy and principles 
which ought to govern India in future. 

What position do the Indians held in the British 
Empire? Are they British citizens or not is my first ques- 
tion ? I say we are British citizens and are entitled to 
and claim all British citizen’s rights. 

I shall first la}' before you roy reasons for claiming 
that we are British citizens. 

REASON 1, THE BIRTHRIGHT. 

The acknowledgment of this birthright was declared 
on the very first occasion when England obtained the very 
first territorial and sovereign possession in India. The 
British statesmen of the day at once acted upon the fund- 
amental basis of the British Constitution and character 
that any one who came howsoever and wheresoever, under 
the British flag was a free British citizen as “ if born and 
living in England,” 

The fundamental basis in the words of the present 
Prime Minister is : — 

Freedom is the very breath of our life ... ... We stand for 

liberty, our policy is the policy of freedom. 

In the words of Mr. Morley : — 

Yes, gentlemen, the sacred word “ free ” which represents as 
Englishmen have always thought until to-day, the noblest aspira- 
tion that can animate the breast of man. 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 190G. 71 

This birthright to be “ free” or to have freedom is our 
right from the very beginning of our connection with 
England when we came under the British flag. 

When Bombay was acquired as the very first territo- 
rial possession, the government of the day in the very first 
grant of territorial rights to the East India Company dec- 
lared thus: — 

(Extract from the Grant to the First East India company of 
the Island of Bombay, dated 24th March 1669.) 

And it is declared that all persons being His Majesty’s sub- 
jects inhabiting within the said Island and their children and their 
posterity born within the limits thereof shall be deemed free 
denizens and natural subjects as if living and born in Eng- 
land. 

And further all the terms of the first grant are exten- 
ded in it to all future British territorial acquisitions. Thus 
is the claim of Indians to be “ free ” and to all the rights 
of British natural subjects as “if living and born in Eng- 
land ” are distinctly acknowledged and declared from the 
very first political connection with England. 

Having given the declaration made some two and a 
half centuries back in the 17th century that the moment 
we Indians came under the British flag we were “free” 
citizens, I next give you what two of the prominent 
statesmen of this, the 20th, century have said. When the 
Boers were defeated and subjugated, and came under the 
British flag, the present Prime Minister said (14th June 
1901) : — 

These people with whom we are dealing are not only going 1 
to be our fellow-citizens ; they are our fellow-citizens already. 

Sir William Harcourt at the same time said: — 

This is the way in which you propose to deal with your’ 
fellow-citizens. 


72 SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 

Thus the moment a people came under the British, 
flag they are “ free ” and British “ fellow-citizens.'’ We 
Indians have been free British citizens as our birthright, 
as “if born and living in England ” from the first moment 
we came under the British Flag. 

The Boer war cost Britain more than two hundred 
millions and 20,000 dead, and 20,000 wounded. India, on 
the other hand, has enriched Britain instead of costing 
anything — and the blood that was shed was largely Indian 
blood — and yet this is a strange contrast. The Boers have 
already obtained self-government in a few years after con- 
quest, while India has not yet received self-government 
though it is more than 200 years from the commencement 
6f the political connection. 

All honour and glory to the British instincts and 
principles and to the British statesmen of the 17th century. 
The Liberals of the present day and the Liberal Govern- 
ment have every right to be proud of those “ old princi- 
ples ” and now that a happy and blessed revival of those 
sacred old principles has taken place, the present Govern- 
ment ought fairly to be expected to act upon those old 
principles, and to acknowledge and give effect to the birth- 
right of Indians as “if living and born in England. ” Eng- 
land is bound to do this. Our British rights are beyond all 
question. Every British Indian subject has franchise in 
England as a matter of course, and even to become a 
Member of Parliament. Nobody in England dreams of ob- 
jecting to it. Once in my case, from party motives, an 
objection was suggested to entering my name on the regis- 
ter as an elector, and the revising barrister at once brush- 
ed aside the objection, for that as an Indian, I was a 
British citizen. 


•CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906. 73 

Reason IT. pledged rights. 

The grant to the first East India Company cited in 
Reason 1 is both a declaration of the rights of Indians as 
British citizens as well as a pledge of those rights by that 
declaration. 

Queen Victoria, in her letter to Lord Derby asking 
him to write the Proclamation himself, said : — 

And point out the privileges which the Indians will receive 
in being placed on an equality with the subjects of the British 
Crown and prosperity flowing in the train of civilization. 

Thereupon the Proclamation then declared and pledg- 
ed unreservedly and most solemnly calling God to witness 
and bless : — 

We hold ourselves bound to the Natives of our Indian Terri- 
tories by the same obligations of duty which bind us to our other 
subjects, and these obligations by the blessing of Almighty God 
we shall faithfully and conscientiously fulfil. 

Can there be a more sacred and solemn pledge before 
God and Man ? 

On the occasion of the Proclamation of the Queen as 
Empress of India, she sent a telegram to Lord Lytton 
which he read in the open Durbar consisting of both 
Princes and People. In this telegram the Queen Empress 
said : — 

That from the highest to the humblest all may feel that under 
our rule, the great principles of liberty, equity and justice are 
secured to them, and that to promote their happiness, to add to 
their prosperity and advance their welfare are ever present aims 
and objects of our Empire. 

And it is clear that this object of promoting our hap- 
piness &c., &c., can only be attained by our enjoyment of 
the principles of liberty, equity and justice, i. e., we must 
have the British liberty of governing ourselves. 


74 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


On the occasion of the Jubilee of 1887, the Queen- 
Empress again pledged and emphasised the pledges of the 
Proclamation thus : — 

Allusion is made to the Proclamation issued on the occasion 
of my assumption of the direct government of India as the Chart- 
er of the liberties of the Princes and People of India. It has 
always been and will be continued to be my earnest desire that the 
principles of that Proclamation should be unswervingly maintain* 
ed. 

We are now asking nothing more or less than the 
liberties of our Charter,- -our rights of British citizenship.. 

The present King-Emperor has pledged : — 

I shall endeavour to follow the great example of the first 
Queen-Empress to work for the general well-being of my Indian 
subjects of all ranks. 

Again the King-Emperor in his speech on 19th Febru- 
ary 1 906, said : — 

It is my earnest hope that in these Colonies as elsewhere 
throughout my dominions (the italics are mine) the grant of 
free institutions will be followed by an increasing prosperity and 
loyalty to the Empire. 

And the Prime Minister clinches the whole that: — 

Good government could never be a substitute for government 
by the people themselves. 

How much less is then an economically evil government 
and constitutionally an unconstitutional despotic govern- 
ment, a substitute for self-government, — and how much 
absolutely necessary it is to produce “increasing prosperity 
and loyalty to the Empire,” by “ the grant of free institu- 
tions.” 

With the solemn pledges I have mentioned above, we 
have every right to claim an honourable fulfilment of all 
our British pledged rights. And so we claim all British 
rights as our birthright and as our solemnly pledged rights.. 
Britain’s duty, humanity, honour, instincts and tradition* 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906 . 7 $ 


for freedom, solemn pledges, conscience, righteousness, and 
civilization demand the satisfaction to us of our British 
rights. 

Reason hi, Reparation. 

All our sufferings and evils of the past centuries^ 
demand before God and Man a reparation, which we may 
fairly expect from the present revival of the old. noble 
British instincts of liberty and self-government. I do not 
enter into our past sufferings as I have already said at the 
outset. 

Reason iv, Conscience. 

The British people would not allow themselves to be 
subjected fora single day to such an unnatural system of 
government as the one which has been imposed upon India 
for nearly a century and a half. Sir H. Campbell-Banner- 
man has made a happy quotation from Mr. Bright : — 

I remember John Bright quoting in the House of Commons 
on one occasion two lines of a poet with reference to political 
matters : — 

There is on Earth a yet diviner thing, 

Veiled though it be, than Parliament or King. 

Then Sir Henry asks : — 

What is that diviner thing ? It is the human conscience in- 
spiring human opinion and human sympathy. 

I ask them to extend that human conscience, “the 
diviner thing,,” to India in the wordsof Mr. Morley : — 

It will be a bad day indeed if we have one conscience for the 
Mother Country and another conscience for all that vast territory 
over which your eye does not extend. 

And now the next question is — What are the British 
rights which we have a right to “claim?” 

This is not the occasion to enter into any details or 
argument. I keep to broad lines. 


76 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


(1) . Just as the administration of the United King- 
dom in all services, departments and details is in the 
hands of the people themselves of that country, so should 
we in India claim that the administration in all services, 
departments and details should be in the hands of the 
people themselves of India. 

This is not only a matter of right and matter of the aspi- 
rations of the educated — important enough as these matters 
are — but it is far more an absolute necessity as the only 
remedy for the great inevitable economic evil which Sir 
John Shore pointed out a hundred and twenty years ago, 
and which is the fundamental cause of the present drain 
and poverty. The remedy is absolutely necessary for the 
material, moral, intellectual, political, social, industrial and 
every possible progress and welfare of the people of India. 

(2) As in the United Kingdom and the Colonies all 
taxation and legislation and the power of spending the 
taxes are in the hands of the representatives of the people 
of those countries, so should also be the rights of the people 
of India. 

(3.) All financial relations betw'een England and 
India must be just and on a footing of equality i. e ., 
whatever money India may find towards expenditure in 
any department — Civil cr Military or Naval — to the ex- 
tent of that share should Indians share in all the bene- 
fits of that expenditure in salaries, pensions, emoluments, 
materials, <foc., as a partner in the Empire, as she is alwa} 7 s 
declared to be. We do not ask any favours. We want 
only justice. Instead of going into any further divisions 
or details of our rights as British citizens, the whole matter 
can be comprised in one word — “ Self-government” or 
Swaraj like that of the United Kingdom or the Colonies. 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906. 77 

Mr. Morley says very truly and emphatically (Ban- 
quet, King’s Hall, Holborn, 4th June 1901) : — 

But this I do say that political principles are after all, the 
root of our national greatness, strength and hope. 

So, for India also, there can bo no national greatness, 
strength and hope except by the right political principles of 
self-government. 

Now the next important question is, whether it is 
practicable to grant these rights of self-government at 
once or when and in what way ? Nobody would, I think, 
say that the whole present machinery can be suddenly 
broken up at once and the rights which I have defined of 
self-government can be at once introduced. 

RIGHT No. I : EMPLOYMENT IN THE PUBLIC SEBVICeS. 

The right of placing all administration in every de- 
partment in the hands of the people of India. Has the 
time arrived to do anything loyally, faithfully and syste- 
matically as a beginning at once, so that it may automati- 
cally develop into the full realisation of the right of self- 
government ? 

Isay, — yes. Not only has the time fully arrived,, 
but had arrived long past, to make this beginning. The 
statesmen of nearly three-quarters of a century ago not 
only considered the point of making a beginning, not 
merely made a pious declaration, but they actually passed 
an Act of Parliament for the purpose. Had that Act 
been honourably and faithfully fulfilled by the Govern- 
ment from that time to this, both England and India 
would have been in the position, not of bewailing tho 
present poverty, wretchedness and dissatisfaction of the 
Indian people, but of rejoicing in the prosperity of India 
and of still greater prosperity of England herself. 


78 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


In tlie thirties of the last century, England achieved 
the highest glory of civilization by its emancipations of 
the body and soul of man — by abolishing slavery and by 
freedom of conscience to enjoy all the rights of British 
citizenship. During these glorious days of English 
history, the statesmen of the time did not forget their 
duty to the people of India. They specially and openly 
considered the question of self-government of India, not 
only in connection with Britain, but even with the result 
of entire independence from Britain. When the act of 
1833 was passed Macaulay made that memorable speech 
about the duty of Britain towards India of which Britain 
shall for ever be proud. I cannot quote that whole speech 
here. Every word of it is worth study and consideration 
from the statesmen of the da)^. I shall give only a few 
extracts. ITe first said : 

“ I must say that, to the last day of my life, I shall be proud 
of having been one of those who assisted in the framing of the 
Bill which contains that Clause ” . . . “It would be on 

the most selfish view of the case far better for us that the people 
of India were well governed and independent of us than ill-govern- 
ed and subject to us. ” . . . “We shall never consent to 

administer the pousta (a preparation of opium) to a whole commu- 
nity — to stupify and paralyse a great people, whom God has 
committed to our charge, lor the wretched purpose of rendering 
them more amenable to our control. ” . . “ We are free, we 

are civilized, to little purpose, if we grudge to any portion of the 
human race an equal measure of freedom and civilization. ” 

“ I have no fears. The path of duty is plain before us 
and it is also the path of wisdom, of national prosperity, of 
national honour. To have found a great people 

sunk in the lowest depths of slavery and superstition, to have so 
ruled them as to have made them desirous and capable of all the 
privileges of citizens, would, indeed, be a title to glory all our 
own.” 

Such was the glorious spirit in, and auspices under 
which was enacted in Macaulay’s words “ that wise, that 
benevolent, that noble clause 


•CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906. 79 

That no native of the said territory, nor any natural born 
subject of His Majesty resident therein, shall by reason only of 
his religion, place of birth, descent, colour or any of them, be 
disabled from holding any place, office or employment under the 
said company. 

I would not repeat here what I have often stated 
about this clause. Sufficient to say that simultaneous 
examinations in India have been declared authoritatively 
as the only honourable fulfilment of the clause. 

Here is, then, the beginning that can be made at 
once not as a new thing but as one fully considered and 
settled by Act of Parliament 73 years ago. The power is 
ready in the hands of the Secretary of State for India to 
be put into execution at once without the necessity of any 
reference to Parliament or any authority. 

And, in connection with this step, I would earnestly 
urge upon the Secretary of State to retrace the pernicious 
step which has lately been taken in India of abolishing 
competition for the services to which admission is made 
directly in India. In England competition is the basis of 
all first admissions in all the services and the same must 
be the basis in India as the fairest and most in accordance 
with justice. 

This beginning will be the key, the most effective re- 
medy for the chief economic and basic evil of the present 
system. 

Mr. Morley has truly said : — 

But if you meddle wrongly with economic things, gentlemen, 
be very sure you are then going to the very life, to the heart, to 
the core of your national existence. 

And sd the economic muddle of the existing policy is 
going to the life, to the heart, to the core of our national 
existence. A three-fold wrong is inflicted upon us i. e. f 
of depriving us of wealth, work and wisdom, of everything, 


80 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


in short/, worth living for. And this beginning will begin 
to strike at the root of the muddle. The reform of the 
alteration of the services from European to Indian is the 
keynote of the whole. 

On the score of efficiency also foreign service can 
never be efficient or sufficient. Sir Yv^illiam Hunter has 
said : — 

If we are to govern the Indian people efficiently and cheaply 
we must govern by means of themselves. 

The Duke of Devonshire, as Indian Secretary, has said 
(23rd August 1883): 

There can in my opinion be very little doubt that India is 
insufficiently governed. 

In the very nature of things it cannot be otherwise. 

After the simultaneous examinations are carried cn for 
some years, it will be time to transfer the examinations 
altogether to India to complete the accomplishment of the 
rights (No. 1) of self-government without any disturbance 
in the smooth working of the administration. 

Co-ordinately with this important beginning for 
Right (No. 1) it is urgent to expedite this object that 
education must be most vigorously 'disseminated among 
the people — free a,nd compulsory primary education, and 
free higher education of every kind. The Indian people 
will hail with the greatest satisfaction any amount of ex- 
penditure for the purpose of education. It was free educa- 
tion that I had at the expense of the people that made me 
and others of my fellow-students and subsequent fellow- 
workers to give their best to the service of the people for 
the promotion of their welfare. 

Education on the one hand, and actual training in 
administration on the other hand, will bring the accom- 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906. 8l 


plishment of self-government far more speedily than many 
imagine. 

Heavy expenditure should be no excuse. In fact if 
financial justice, to which I shall refer hereafter, is done in 
the relations between England and India, there will be 
ample provision even from the poor revenues of India — 
and with every addition of Indians in place of Europeans, 
the resources of India for all necessary purposes will go on 
increasing. 

RIGHT ’no. 2 : REPRESENTATION. 

In England itself Parliamentary Government existed 
for some hundreds of years before even the rich and 
middle classes and the mass of the people had any voice or 
vote in it. 

Macaulay pointed out in 1831 that the people living 
in the magnificent palaces surrounding Regent’s Park and 
in other such places were unrepresented. It is only so 
late as 1832 that the middle classes obtained their vote, 
and it is only so late as 1885 that most of the mass of the 
people obtained their franchise. Women have no vote. 
Adult franchise is yet in struggle. 

It is no use telling us, therefore, that a good beginning 
cannot be made now in India for what Mr. Gladstone 
called “ living representation.” The only thing needed is 
the willingness of the Government. The statesmen at the 
helm of the present Government are quite competent and 
able to make a good beginning — such a systematic begin- 
ning as that it may naturally in no long time develop itself 
into full legislatures of self-government like those of the 
self-governing colonies. I need not go into any details 
here of the scope and possibilities of representation. The 

6 


82 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


educated and thinking classes in India who have attend- 
ed English schools and colleges are not the only people 
to be reckoned with. There is a large body who now are 
informed of the events of the world and of all British 
institutions by the vernacular press and literature in their 
own language. 

The peasants of Russia are fit for and obtained the 
Duma from the greatest autocrat in the world, and the 
leading statesman, the Prime Minister of the free British 
Empire, proclaimed to the world “the Duma is dead, 
long live the Duma ! ” Surely the fellow-citizens of that 
statesman and the free citizens of that Empire by birth- 
right and pledged rights are far more entitled to self- 
government, a constitutional representative system, than 
the peasants of Russia. I do not despair. It is futile to 
tell me that we must wait till all tbe people are ready. 
The British people did not so wait for their Parliament. 
We are not allowed to be fit for 150 years. We can 
never be fit till we actually undertake the work and the 
responsibility. While China in the East and Persia in the 
West of Asia are awakening and Japan has already awaken- 
ed and Russia is struggling for emancipation — and all of 
them despotisms — can the free citizens of the Britisli 
Indian Empire continue to remain subject to despotism — 
the people who were among the first civilizers of the 
world ? Modern world owes no little gratitude to these 
early civilizers of the human race. Are the descendants 
of the earliest civilizers to remain, in the present times cf 
spreading emancipation, under the barbarous system of 
despotism, unworthy of British instincts, principles and 
civilization ? 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906. 83 

RIGI1T NO. 3 : JUST FINANCIAL RELATIONS. 

This right requires no delay or training. If the 
British Government wills to do what is just and right, 
this justice towards self-government can be done at once. 

First of all take the European Army expenditure. 
The Government of India in its despatch of 25th March 
1890 says: — 

Millions of money have been spent on increasing the Army 
in India, on armaments, and on fortifications to provide for the 
security of India, not against domestic enemies or to prevent the 
invasions of the warlike peoples of adjoining countries, but to 
maintain the supremacy of British Power in the East. 

Again the Government of India says : — 

It Avould be much nearer the truth to affirm that the Imperial 
Government keeps in India and quarters upon the revenues of that 
country as large a portion of its army as it thinks can possibly 
be required to maintain its dominion there, that it habitually 
Treats that portion of its army as a reserve force available for 
imperial purposes : that it has uniformly detached European 
regiments from the garrison of India to take part in imperial wars 
whenever it has been found necessary or convenient to do so ; and 
more than this that it has drawn not less freely upon the native 
army of India towards the maintenance of which it contributes 
nothing to aid it in contests outside of India with which the 
Indian Government has had little or no concern. 

Such is the testimony of the Government of India 
That the European Army is for Imperial purposes. 

Now I give the view taken in the India Office itself. 

Sir James Peile was a member of the Council of the 
Secretary of State for India, and represented the Indian 
Secretary on the Royal Commission (Welby’s) on Indian 
expenditure. Sir James Peile, in a motion, after pointing 
out that the military policy which regulated Indian 
Military expenditure was not exclusively Indian, urged 
that : — 

It is worthy of consideration how far it is equitable to charge 
•on a dependency the whole military cost of that policy, when that 


84 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


dependency happens to be the only part of the Empire which has a 
land frontier adjacent to the territory of a great European power- 

Here then these extracts of the Government of India 
and the India Office show that the European Army expen- 
diture is entirely for British imperial purposes, and yet 
with flagrant injustice the burden is thrown by the 
Treasury upon the helpless Indian people. 

In the same way all the Government expenditure in 
England which entirely gof,s to the benefit of the people in 
England, and which is for British purposes, is imposed on 
the Indian people while the Colonies do not pay any por- 
tion for similar expenditure in England. This expenditure 
should in common justice not bo imposed on India. It is 
unjust. Here then, if we are relieved of burdens which 
ought not in common justice to be imposed upon us, our 
revenues, poor as they are at present, will supply ample 
means for education and many other reforms and improve- 
ments which are needed by us. This question is simply a 
matter of financial justice. I have put it on a clear just 
principle and on that principle India can be quite ready to 
find the money and its own men for all her own needs — 
Military, Naval, Civil or any other. For imperial expendi- 
ture we must have our share in the services in proportion 
to our contribution. 

These just financial relations can be established at 
once. They require no delay or preparation. It only needs 
the determination and will of the British Government to do 
justice. Lastly as to self-government. If the British peo- 
ple and statesmen make up their mind to do their duty 
towards the Indian people they have every # ability and 
statesmanship to devise means to accord self-government 
within no distant time. If there is the will and the cons- 
cience there is the way. 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906. 85 


Now 1 come to the most crucial question — particularly 
crucial to myself personally. 

I have been for some time past repeatedly asked whe- 
ther I really have, after more than half a century of my 
own personal experience, such confidence in the honour and 
good faith of British statesmen and Government as to ex- 
pect that our just claim to self-government as British citi- 
zens will be willingly and gracefully accorded to us with 
every honest effort in their power, leaving alone and for- 
getting the past. 

Ladies and gentlemen, I shall give you a full and free 
answer. 

In 1853 when I made my first little speech at the in- 
auguration of the Bombay Association, in perfect innocence 
of heart influenced by my English education into great 
admiration for the character, instincts and struggles for 
liberty of the British people, I expressed my faith and 
confidence in the British Rulers in a short speech 
from which I give a short extract : — 

When we see that our Government is often ready to assist 
us in everything calculated to benefit us, we had better than mere- 
ly complain and grumble, point out in a becoming manner what 
our real wants are. 

And I also said : 

If an association like this be always in readiness to ascer- 
tain by strict enquiries the probable good, or bad effects of any 
proposed measure and, whenever necessary, to memorialise Gov- 
ernment on behalf of the people with respect to them, our kind 
Government will not refuse to listen to such memorials. 

Such was my faith. It was this faith of the educat- 
ed of the time that made Sir Bartle Frere make the re- 
mark which Mr. Fawcett quoted, viz., that he had been 
much struck with the fact that the ablest exponents of 
English policy and our best coadjutors in adapting that 


86 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


policy to the wants of tlie various nations occupying India, n 
soil were to be found among the natives who had received 
a high-class English education. And now, owing to the 
non-fulfilment of solemn pledges, what a change has taken 
place in the mind of the educated ! 

Since my early efforts, I must say that I have felt so 
many disappointments as would be sufficient to break any 
heart and lead one to despair and even, I am afraid, to rebel. 

My disappointments have not been of the ordinary 
kind but far worse and keener. Ordinarily a person fights 
— and if he fails he is disappointed. But I fought and won 
on several occasions, but the executive did not let us have 
the fruit of those victories — disappointments quite enough, 
as I have said, to break one’s heart. For instance, the 
tl Statutory” Civil Service, Simultaneous Examinations, 
Lord Lawrence Scholarships, Royal Commission, &c. I am 
thankful that the repayment from the treasury of some 
unjust charges has been carried out, though the Indian 
Secretary’s salary is not yet transferred to the Treasury as 
it was hoped. 

But I have not despaired. Not only that I have not 
despaired, but at this moment, you may think it strange, I 
stand before you with hopefulness. I have not despaired 
for one reason — and I am hopeful for another reason. 

I have not despaired under the influence of the good 
English word wdiich has been the rule of my life. That 
word is “ Persevere.” In any movement, great or small, 
you must persevere to the end. You cannot stop at any 
stage, disappointments notwithstanding, or you lose all you 
have gained and find it far more difficult afterwards even 
to begin again. As we proceed we may adopt such means 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906. 87 


as may bs suitable at every stage, but persevere we must 
to the end. If our cause is good and just, as it is, we are 
sure to triumph in the end. So I have not despaired. 

Now the reason of my hopefulness which I feel at 
this moment after all my disappointments. And this also 
under the influence of one word “Revival” — the present 
“ revival” of the true old spirit and instinct of 
liberty and free British institutions in the hearts 
of ctlie leading statesmen of the day. I shall now 
place before you the declarations of some of the leading 
statesmen of the day and then you will judge that my 
faith and hope are well-founded, whether they will be 
justified or not by future events. 

Here, I give you a few of those declarations — but I 
give an Appendix A of some of these declarations out of 
many. 

SIR H. CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN. 

We believe in self-government. We treat it net as an 
odious necessity, not as a foolish theory to which unfortunately 
the British Empire is committed. We treat it as a blessing and 
a healing, a sobering and a strengthening influence. (Bradford, 
15-5-1901.) 

I remain as firm a believer as ever I was, in the virtue of 
self-government. (Ayr, 29-10-1902.) 

But here is another — Self-government and popular control— 
and we believe in that principle. 

MR. JOHN MORLEY, 

Yes, gentlemen, the sacred word ‘free’ which represented, 
as Englishmen have always thought until to-day, the noblest 
aspirations that can animate the breast of man, 

(Palmerston Club, 9-6-1900.) 

In his view the root of good government was not to be 
found in bureaucracy or pedantoeraey. They must seek to rouse 
up the free and spontaneous elements lying deep in the hearts and 
minds of the people of the country. 

(Arbroath, 23-10-1903.) 


88 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


The study of the present revival of the spirit, 
instincts and traditions of Liberty and Liberalism among 
the Liberal statesmen of the day has produced in my 
heart full expectation that the end of the evil system, 
-and the dawn of a Righteous and Liberal policy of 
freedom and self-government, are at hand for India. 
I trust that I am justified in my expectations and hope- 
ulness. 

Ladies and gentlemen, we have all the powerful moral 
forces of justice, righteousness and honour of Britain, but 
our birthright and pledged rights and the absolute 
necessity and humanity of ending quickly all the sufferings 
of the masses of the people, from poverty, famine, plagues, 
destitution and degradation &c. On our side if we use 
those moral forces, which are very effective on a people 
like the British people, we must, we are bound to, win* 
What is wanted for us is to learn the lesson from English- 
men themselves — to agitate most largely and most perse- 
veringly, by petitions, demonstrations and meetings, all 
quite peacefully but enthusiastically conducted. Let us 
not throw away our rights and moral forces which are so 
overwhelming on our side. I shall say something again 
on this subject. 

With such very hopeful and promising views and 
declarations of some of the leaders of the present Govern- 
ment, we have also coming to our side more and more 
Parliament, Press and Platform. We have some 200 
Members in the Indian Parliamentary Committee. The 
Labour Members, the Irish Nationalist Members, and 
the Radicals are sympathetic with us. We have several 
Liberal papers such as “ The Daily News,” “ The Tribune,” 
The Morning Leader,” “ The Manchester Guardian,” 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906. 89 


u The Star,” “ The Daily Chronicle,” “ Justice,” “ Investors’ 
Review,” “ Reynolds,” “ New Age,” and several others 
taking a j aster view of India’s rights and needs. We 
must make “ India ” a powerful organ. We have all 
sections of the Labour or Democratic Party, the British 
Nationalist Party, the Radicals and Liberals generally 
taking larger interest in Indian matters. The large sec- 
tion of the British people to whom conscience and 
righteousness are above every possible worldly thing, are 
also awakening to a sense of their duty to the vast popula- 
tion of India in their dire distress, and poverty, with all 
its dreadful consequences. When I was in Parliament 
and the only Indian, I had the support of the Irish, 
Radical and Labour Members. I never felt helpless and 
alone, and I succeeded in several of my efforts. We 
must have many Indian Members in Parliament till we 
get self-government. Under such favourable circum- 
stances let us not fail to make the most of our opportunity 
for our political emancipation. Let us, it is true, at the 
same time do, what is in our power, to advance our Social 
and Industrial progress. But for our political emancipa- 
tion, it will be a great folly and misfortune for us to miss 
this good fortune when it has at last come to us, though I 
fully admit we had enough of disappointments to make us 
lose heart and confidence. 

I base my hope upon the “ revival ” of the old 
British love of liberty and self-government, of honour for 
pledges, cf our rights of fellow British citizenship. Within 
the short life, that may yet be vouchsafed to me, I hope to 
see a loyal, honest, honourable and conscientious adoption 
of the policy for self-government for India — and a 
beginning made at once towards that end. 


90 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


I have now expressed to ) t ou my hopes and reason^ 
for such hopes for ourselves. But as the Moral Law, the 
greatest force of the Universe, has it, — in our good will be 
England’s own greatest good. Bright has wisely said : — 

The good of England must come through the channels of the 
good of India. ... In order that England may become rich, 
India itself must become rich.” 

Mr. Morley has rightly said : — 

No, gentlemen, every single right thing that is done by the 
Legislature, however moderate be its area, every single right thing 
is sure to lead to the doing of a great number of unforeseen right 
things. (Dundee, 9-12-1889.) 

If India is allowed to be prosperous by self-govern- 
ment, as the Colonies have become prosperous by self- 
government, what a vista of glory and benefits open up 
for the citizens of the British Empire, and for mankind, 
as an example and proof of the supremacy of the moral 
law and true civilization ! 

While we put the duty of leading us on to self- 
government on the heads of the present British statesmen, 
we have also the duty upon ourselves to do all we can to- 
support those statesmen by, on the one hand, preparing 
our Indian people for the right understanding, exercise 
and enjoyment of self-government and on the other hand, 
of convincing the British people that we justly claim and 
must have all British rights. I put before the Congress 
my suggestions for their considertion. To put the matter 
in right form, we should send our “ Petition of Bights ” 
to His Majesty the King-Emperor 1 , to the House cf 
Commons and to the House of Lords. By the British 
Bill of Bights of 1689 — by the 5th Clause — “ the subjects 
have the right to present petitions to the Sovereign.” 

The next thing I suggest for your consideration, is 
that the well-to-do Indians should raise a large fiyid of 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906 . 91 


patriotism. With this fund we should organise a body 
of able men and good speakers, to go to all the nooks and 
corners of India and inform the people in their own 
languages of our British rights and how to exercise and 
enjoy them. Also to send to England another body of 
able speakers, and to provide means to go throughout the 
country and by large meetings to convince the British 
people that we justly claim and must have all British 
rights of self-government. By doing that I am sure that 
the British conscience will triumph and the British people 
will support the present statesmen, in their work of giving 
India responsible self-government in the shortest possible 
period. We must have a great agitation in England, as 
well as here. The struggle against the Corn Laws cost, I 
think, two millions and there was a great agitation. Let 
us learn to help ourselves in the same way. 

I have said at the beginning that the duties of this 
Congress are two-fold. And of the two, the claim to a 
change of the present policy leading to self-government is 
the chief and most important work. 

The second part of the work is the vigilant watch over 
the inevitable and unnecessary defects of the present machi- 
nery of the Administration as it exists and as long as it 
exists. And as the fundamental principles of the present 
Administration are unsound there are inherent evils, and 
others are naturally ever arising from them. These the 
Congress has to watch, and adopt means to remedy them, 
as far as possible, till self-government is attained, though it 
is only when self-government is attained that India will be 
free from its present evils and consequent sufferings. This 
part of the work the Congress has been doing very largely 
during all the past twenty-one years and the Subjects- 


92 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


committee will place before you various resolutions neces- 
sary for the improvement of the existing administration, 
as far as such unnatural and uneconomic administration 
can be improved. I would not have troubled you more 
but that I should like to say a few words upon some topics 
connected with the second part of the work of the 
Congress — Bengal Partition and Svjcicleshi movement. 

In the Bengal Partition, the Bengalees have a just 
and great grievance. It is a bad blunder for England. I 
do not despair but that this blunder, I hope, may yet be 
rectified. This subject is being so well threshed out by 
the Bengalees themselves that I need not say anything 
more about it. Butin connection with it we hear a 
great deal about agitators and agitation. Agitation is the 
life and soul of the whole political, social and industrial 
history of England. It is by agitation the English have 
accomplished their most glorious achievements, their pro- 
sperity, their liberties and, in short, their first plane among 
the rations of the world. 

The whole life of England, every day, is all agitation. 
You do not open your paper in the morning but read from 
beginning to end it is all agitation — Congresses and Con- 
ferences — Meetings and Resolutions — without end, for a 
thousand and one movements local and national. From 
the Prime Minister to the humblest politician, his occupa- 
tion is agitation for everything he wants to accomplish. 
The whole Parliament, Press and Platform is simply all 
agitation. Agitation is the civilized, peaceful weapon of 
moral force, and infinitely preferable to brute physical 
force when possible. The subject is very tempting. But 
I shall not say more than that the Indian journalists are 
mere Matriculators while the Anglo-Indian journalists are 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906. 93 


Masters of Arts in the University of British Agitators. 
The former are only the pupils of the latter, and the Anglo- 
Indian journalists ought to feel proud that their pupils are 
doing credit to them. Perhaps a few words from an English 
statesman will be more sedative and satisfactory. 

Macaulay has said in one of his speeches : — 

I hold that we have owed to agitation a long ‘series of bene- 
ficent reforms which would have been effected in no other way . .. 

. . . the truth is that agitation is inseparable from popular 

government Would the slave-trade ever have been 

abolished without agitation ? Would slavery ever have been 
abolished without agitation ? 

For every movement in England — hundreds, local and 
national — the chief weapons are agitation by meetings,, 
demonstrations and petitions to Parliament. These peti- 
tions are not any begging for any favours any more than 
that the conventional “ Your obedient servant” in letters 
makes a man an obedient servant. It is the conventional 
way of approaching higher authorities. The petitions are 
claims for rights or for justice or for reforms, — to influence 
and put pressure on Parliament by showing how the public 
regard any particular matter. The fact that we have more 
or less failed hitherto, is not because we have petitioned too 
much but that we have petitioned too little. One of the 
factors that carries weight in Parliament is the evidence 
that the people interested in any question are really in 
earnest. Only the other day Mr. Asquith urged as one 
of his reasons against women's franchise, that he .did 
not see sufficient evidence to show that the majority of 
the women themselves were earnest to acquire the franchise. 
We have not petitioned or agitated enough at all in our 
demands. In every important matter we must petition 
Parliament with hundreds and thousands of petitions— 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


94 

with hundreds of thousands of signatures from all parts 
of India. Taking one present instance in England, the 
Church party has held till the beginning of October last 
1,40(1 meetings known and many more unknown, against the 
Education Bill aud petitioned with three-quarters of a 
million signatures and many demonstrations. Since then 
they have been possibly more and more active. Agitate, 
agitate over the whole length and breadth of India in 
■every nook and corner — peacefully of course — if we really 
mean to get justice from John Bull. Satisfy him that we 
are in earnest. The Bengalees, I am glad, have learnt the 
lesson and have led the march. All India must learn the 
lesson — cf sacrifice of money and of earnest personal 
work. 

Agitate ; agitate means inform. Inform, inform the 
Indian people what their rights are and why and how they 
should obtain them, and inform the British people of the 
rights of the Indian people and why they should grant 
them. If we do not speak, they say we are satisfied. If 
we speak, we become agitators ! The Indian people are 
properly asked to act constitutionally while the Govern- 
ment remains unconstitutional and despotic. 

Next about the “ settled fact.” Every Bill defeated 
in Parliament is a “ settled fact.” Is it not ? And the next 
year it makes its appearance again. The Education Act of 
1902 was a settled JAct. An Act of Parliament, was it not ? 
And now within a short time what a turmoil is it in ? And 
what an agitation and excitement has been going on about it 
and is still in prospect ! It may lead to a clash between 
■the two Houses of Parliament. There is nothing as an eternal 
“ settled fact.” Times change, circumstances are misunders- 
tood or changed, better light and understanding or new 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906. 95 


forces come into play, and what is settled to-day may become 
obsolete to-morrow. 

The organizations which I suggest, and which I may 
call a band of political missionaries in all the Provinces, 
will serve many purposes at once — to inform the people of 
their rights as British citizens, to prepare them to claim 
those rights by petitions and when the rights are obtained 
to exercise and enjoy them. 

“ Swadeshi ” is not a thing of to-day. It has existed 
in Bombay as far as I know for many years past. I am a 
freetrader, I am a member, and in the Executive Com- 
mittee of the Cobden Club for 20 years, and yet I say that 
tl Swadeshi” is a forced necessity for India in its unnatural 
economic muddle. As long as the economic condition re- 
mains unnatural and impoverishing, by the necessity of 
supplying every year some Rs. 20,00,00,000 for the salary, 
pensions, &c., of the children of a foreign country at the 
expense and impoverishment of the children of India, to 
talk of applying economic laws to the condition of India is 
adding insult to in jur}^ . I have said so much about this 
over and over again that I would not say more about it 
here — I refer to my book. I ask any Englishman whether 
Englishmen would submit to this unnatural economic 
muddle of India for a single day in England, leave alone 
150 years? No, never. No, Ladies and gentlemen, Eng- 
land will never submit to it. It is, what I have already 
quoted in Mr. Morley’s words, it is “ the meddling wrong- 
ly with economic things that is going to the very life, to 
the very heart, to the very core of our national existence” 
(Vide Appendix B). 

Among the duties which I have said are incumbent 
^upon the Indians, there is one, which, though I mention 


96 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


last, is not the least. I mean a thorough political union 
among the Indian people of all creeds and classes. I make 
an appeal to all — call it mendicant if you like — I am not 
ashamed of being a mendicant in any good cause and 
under necessity for any good cause. I appeal to the Indian 
people for this, because it is in their own hands only just 
as I appeal to the British people for things that are entire- 
ly in their hands. In this appeal for a thorough union 
for political purposes among all the people I make a parti- 
cular one to my friends, the Mahomedans. They are a 
manly people. They have been rulers both in and out of 
India. They are rulers this day both in and out of India. 
They have the highest Indian Prince ruling over the 
largest Native State, viz., H. H. the Nizam. Among other 
Mahcmedan Princes they have Junagad, Radhanpur r 
Bhopal and others. 

Notwithstanding their backward education, they have 
tho pride of having had in all India the first Indian Bar- 
rister in Mr. Budrudin Tyabji and first Solicitor in Mr. 
Kamrudin Tyabji, two Mahomedan brothers.* What a 
large share of Bombay commerce is in the hands of Maho- 


* As regards the first Indian Barrister and the first Indian 
Attorney, it appears that Mr. Dababhai. Naoroji was wrongly 
informed. Of course, any community would be proud of two such 
distinguished members as were the Tyabji brothers, both of whom 
met with great success and attained the highest positions in their 
respective professions, but they were not the first Indians to adopt 
those professions. Mr. Budrudin Tyabji was called to the Bar 
on the 30th April, 1867 and there were at least two or three Indian 
Barristers before him. Mr. M. Ghose was called on the 6th June, 
1866, and Mr. G. M. Tagore, who is believed to be the first Indian 
Barrister, was called to the Bar on the 11th June, 1862, and 
long before that, Babu Baney Madhub Banerjee became an Attorney 
pf the Calcutta High Court and he was believed to have been the 
first Indian Attorney, whereas Mr. Kamrudin Tyabji was a 
contemporary of his other brother. 


CON GltESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906. 97 

medans is well-known. Their chief purpose and effort at 
present must be to spread education among themselves. 
In this matter among their best friends have been Sir Syed 
Ahmed and Justice Tyabji in doing their utmost to promote 
education among them. Once they bring themselves in 
education in a line with the Hindus, they have nothing 
to fear. They have in them the capacity, energy and 
intellect, to hold their own and to get their due share in all 
the walks of life — of which the State Services are but a small 
part. Stats Services are not everything. 

Whatever voice I can have I wish Government would 
give every possible help to promote education among the 
Mahomedans. Once self-government is attained then will 
there be prosperity enough for all, but not till then. The 
thorough union, therefore, of all the people for their emanci- 
pation is an absolute necessity. 

All the people in their political position are in one 
boat. They must sink or swim together. Without this 
union all efforts will be vain. There is the common say- 
ing — but also the best commonsense — •“ United we stand — » 
divided we fall.” 

There is one other circumstance, I may mention 
here. If I am right, I am under the impression that the 
bulk of the Bengalee Mahomedans were Hindus by race 
and blood, only a few generations ago. They have the tie 
of blood and kinship. Even now a great mass of the Ben- 
galee Mahomedans are not to be easily distinguished 
from their Hindu brothers. In many places they join 
together iu their social joys and sorrows. They cannot 
divest themselves from the natural affinity of common 
blood. On the Bombay side, the Hindus and Mahome- 
dans of Gujarat all speak the same language, Gujarati 
7 


98 


SPEECHES OF DABABHAI NAOROJI. 


and are of the same stock, and all the Hindus and Maho- 
medans of Maharastic Annan — -all speak the same lan- 
guage, Marathi and are of the same stock — and so I think 
it is all over India, excepting in North India where there 
are the descendants of the original Mahomedan invaders, 
but they are now also the people of India. 

Sir Syed Ahmed was a nationalist to the backbone. I 
will mention an incident that happened to myself with 
him. On his first visit to England, we happened to meet 
together in the house of Sir 0. Wingfield. He and his 
friends were waiting and I was shown into the same room. 
One of his friends recognising me introduced me to him. 
As soon as he heard my name he at once held me in strong 
embrace and expressed himself very much pleased. In 
various ways, I knew that his heart was in the welfare of 
all India as one nation. He was a large and liberal-minded 
patriot. When I read his life some time ago I was inspir- 
ed with respect and admiration for him. As I cannot find 
my copy of his life I take the opportunity of repeating 
some of his utterances which Sir Henry Cotton has given 
in India of 12th October last. 

“ Mahomedans and Hindus were,” he said, “ the two eyes of 
India.” u Injure the one and you injure the other.” We should 
try to become one in heart and soul and act in unison ; if united, 
we can support each other, if not, the effect of one against the other 
will tend to the destruction and downfall of both.” 

He appreciated when he found worth and freely ex- 
pressed it. He said : — 

I assure you that the Bengalees are the only people in 
our country whom we can properly be proud of, and it is only due 
to them that knowledge, liberty and patriotism have progressed in 
our country. I can truly say that they are really the head and 
crown of ali the communities of Hindustan. In the word “ nation” 
I include both Hindus and Mahomedans, because that is the only 
meaning which I can attach to it. 


CONGRESS PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS, CALCUTTA, 1906 . 99 


Such was the wise and patriotic counsel of that great 
man and our Mahomedan friends will, I hope, take it to 
heart. I repeat once more that our emancipation depends 
upon the thorough union of all the people of India without 
any obstruction. 

I have often read about the question of a constitution 
for the Congress. I think the gentlemen who raise 
this question would be the proper persons to prepare one 
like a Bill in the House of Commons in all its details. The 
Congress then can consider it and deal with it as the 
majority may decide. 

Let every one of us do the best he can, do all in 
harmony for the common object of self-government. 

Lastly, the question of social reforms and industrial 
progress — each of them needs its own earnest body of 
workers. Each requires for it separate, devoted attention. 
All the three great purposes — Political, Social and Indus- 
trial — must be set working side by side. The progress in 
each will have its influence on the others. But, as Mr. 
Morley truly and with deep insight says : — “ Political 
principles are, after all, the root of our national great- 
ness, strength and hope,” and his other important utter- 
ance which I repeat with this one sums up the whole 
position of the Indian problem. He says: “ The meddling 
wrongly with economic things, that is going to the very 
life, to the very heart, to the veiy core of our national 
existence.'” 

This meddling wrongly with economic things is the 
whole evil from which India suffers — and the only remedy 
for it is — “ Political principles are, after all, the root of our 
national greatness, strength and hope.” And these politi- 
cal principles are summed up in self-government. Self- 


100 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


government is the only and chief remedy. In self-govern- 
ment lies our hope, strength and greatness. 

I recommend to your serious notice the treatment of 
British Indians in South Africa. 

I give a small Appendix B of some facts and figures- 
which I need not read now. 

Well, ladies and gentlemen, I have finished my task. 

I do not know what good fortune may be in store for me 
during the short period that may be left to me, and if I 
can leave a word of affection and devotion for my country 
and countrymen, I say : be united, persevere, and achieve 
self-government so that the millions now perishing by 
poverty, famine and plague, and the scores of millions that 
are starving on scanty subsistence may be saved and India 
may once more occupy her proud position of yore among 
the greatest and civilized nations of the World.” 



Appointment of a Royal Commission. 



\The following speech was delivered by Mr. Dadabhai 
Naovnji at the First Congress held in Bombay. 1885.] 

I had no thought of speaking on this resolution,* 
but I see I must say something. There is a notion 
running under some remarks, that if a Conservative 
Government appoints a Committee, it will not be a 
good one. I do not think there is any good reason 
for that assumption. The Conservatives are not so 
bad that they will never do a good thing, nor are the 
Liberals so good that they never did a bad thing. In fact 
we owe good to both, and we have nothing to do with them 
yet as parties. We are thankful to either party that does 
us good. The Proclamation is the gift of a Conservative 
Government. I have some experience of a Parliamentary 
Committee and that Committee, a Liberal one ; and yet 
under the Chairmanship of a gentleman like Mr. Ayrton, 
you cannot be sure of a fair hearing. On the other hand, 
a fair-minded Chairman and similar members, be they 
Conservatives or Liberals, would make a good Committee, 
and give a fair inquiry. Much depends upon the Secretary 
of State for India. If he is a fair-minded person and not 
biassed in any particular way, you will have a fair Com- 
mittee. If we are asking for a Parliamentary Committee ? 
we need not be afraid of asking one from a Conservative 

* Resolution . — That this Congress earnestly recommends that 
"the promised inquiry into the working of the Indian Administra- 
tion here and in England should be entrusted to a Royal Commis- 
sion, the people of India being adequately represented thereon, and 
evidence taken both in India and in England. 


102 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


Government. A Secretary of State like Sir Stafford North- 
cote (Lord Iddesleigh) will give a fair one, and we should 
not assume that the present Secretary will not give a good 
one. We should only desire that Anglo-Indians may not 
be put in it, or only a few such in whom. Natives have 
confidence. In such an inquiry Anglo-Indian officials are 
on their trial, and they should not be allowed to sit in 
judgment upon themselves. 

From the remarks already made, there appears to be 
an undecidedness, whether to ask for a Committee, or for 
a Royal Commission. And there seems also a notion un- 
derneath, that if we were not satisfied with the one we 
could ask for the other. Now we must bear in mind that 
it is not an easy thing to get a Parliamentary Committee 
or a Royal Commission, and that you cannot have either 
whenever you like. Do not suppose that if we have a Com- 
mittee or a Commission and if we say we are dissatisfied 
with its results, we would at once get another for the ask- 
ing. We must make up our minds definitely as to what 
we want and what would be the best thing for us. You 
should not leave it open whether there should be a Com- 
mittee or Commission. Whichever you want, say it out 
once for all. In dealing with Englishmen, make up your 
minds deliberately, speak clearly, and work perseveringly. 
Then and then only can you hope to be listened to, and 
get your wishes. You must not show that you do not 
know your own mind. Therefore, know your own mind,, 
and say clearly whether you desire a Parliamentary Com- 
mittee, or a Ro} 7 al Commission. It is evidently the desire 
here, that a full and impartial enquiry by fair and high- 
minded English statesmen, with an adequate number of Na- 
tives on the enquiring body, should be carried on in India 


FIRST CONGRESS SPEECHES. 


103 


itself. If so, then we must remember that a Parliamentary 
Committee can consist only of members of Parliament, and 
can sit in the Parliament House only. For our purpose to 
lay bare the actual conditions of India, an inquiry in India, 
in all departments and in the whole condition of India — 
material and moral — is absolutely necessary. Ho enquiry 
in England, and that with the evidence of Anglo-Indians 
chiefly — who themselves are on trial, and who would not 
naturally condemn their own doings find work — can ever 
bring out the truth about India’s true condition and wants 
and necessary reforms. We, then irresistibly come to one 
conclusion, that an enquiry in India itself is absolutely 
necessary, and that such an enquiry can be conducted by 
a Royal Commission. Only let us clearly say our mind 
that we ask for a Royal Commission. Do not let there be 
any doubt about what we do really want. If I am right 
in interpreting your desire, then I say let there be no 
vague general resolution, but say clearly and distinctly 
that we require a Royal Commission. 


: o : 


Reform of Legislative Council.* 


[The folloiving speech teas delivered by Mr. Dadabhai 
Naoroji at the First Congress held in Bombay 188 o.\ 

I am glad my friends, the Hon'ble Mr. Telang and 
the Hon’ble Mr. S. Iyer, have relieved me of much 
trouble, as they have anticipated a deal of what I had to 
say, which I need not repeat. 

We asked for representation in the Legislative Coun- 
cils of India. It is not for us to teach the English people 
how necessar}' representation is for good government. 
We have learnt the lesson from them, and knowing from 
them how great a blessing it is to those nations who enjoy 
it, and how utterly un-English it is for the English nation 
to withhold it from us, we can, with confidence and trust, 
ask them to give us this. I do not want to complain of 
the past. It is past and gone. It cannot be said now 
that the time is not come to give representation. Thanks 
to our rulers themselves, we have now sufficiently advanced 
to know the value of representation and to understand the 
necessity that representation must go with taxation, that 

* Resolution . — That this Congress considers the reform and 
expansion of the Supreme and existing Legislative Councils, by the 
admission of a considerable proportion of elected members (and 
the creation of similar Councils for the North West Provinces and 
Oudh, and also for the Punjab) essential; and holds that all Bud- 
gets should be referred to those Councils for consideration, their 
members being moreover empowered to interpellate the Executive 
in regard to all branches of the administration ; and that a Stand- 
ing Committee of the House of Commons should be constituted to 
receive and consider any formal protests that may be recorded by 
majorities of such Councils against the exercise by the Executive 
of the powers, which would be vested in it, of overruling the deci- 
sions of such majorities. 


FIRST CONGRESS SPEECHES. 


105 


the taxed must have a voice in the taxation that is imposed 
on them. We are British subjects, and I say we can demand 
what we are entitled to and expect still at British hands 
their greatest and most noble institution and heritage. 
It is our inheritance also and we should not be kept out of 
it. Why, if we are to be denied Britain’s best institutions, 
what good is it to India to be under the British sway ? 
It will be simply another Asiatic despotism. What makes 
us proud to be British subjects, what attaches us to this 
foreign rule with deeper loyalty than even our own past 
Native rule, is the fact that Britain is the parent of free 
and representative government, and, that we, as her sub- 
jects and children, are entitled to inherit the great blessing 
of freedom and representation. We claim the inheritance. 
If not, we are not the British subjects which the Procla- 
mation proclaims us to be — equal in rights and privileges 
with the rest of Her Majesty’s subjects. We are only 
British drudges or slaves. Let us persevere. Britain 
would never be a slave and could not, in her very nature 
and instinct, make a slave. Her greatest glory is freedom 
and representation, and, as her subjects, we shall have 
these blessed gifts. 

Coming to the immediate and practical part of our 
demand, I may say that it will be to Government itself 
a great advantage and relief — advantage, inasmuch as it 
will have the help of those who know the true wants of the 
Natives, and in whom the Natives have confidence, and 
relief so far that the responsibility of legislation will not 
be upon the head of Government only, but upon that of 
the representatives of the people also. And the people 
will have to blame themselves if they fail to send the right 
sort of men to represent themselves. I. think Govern- 


108 


SPEECHES. OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


ment has now reason rather to thank than repel us for 
demanding this boon which, if granted, will, on the one 
hand, make government easier and more effective, and, on 
the other, attach the people to British rule more deeply 
than before. 

Our first reform should be to have the power to tax 
ourselves. With that and another reform for which I 
shall move hereafter, India will advance in material and 
moral prosperity, and bless and benefit England. The 
proposal about the right of interpellation is very import- 
ant, — as important and useful to Government itself as to 
the people. The very fact that questions will be put in 
the Council, will prevent in a measure that evil which at 
present is beyond Government’s reach to redress. Govern- 
ment will be relieved of the odium and inconvenience^ 
which it at present suffers from misunderstanding and 
want of opportunities of giving explanation. The British 
Parliament and public, and the British Government in all 
its departments, benefit largely by this power of putting 
questions in Parliament, and the same will be the result 
here. There will be, in the circumstances of India, one 
essential difference between the British Parliament and 
the Indian Legislative Councils. In Parliament, the 
Government, if defeated, resigns, and the Opposition comes 
into power. That cannot be done in India. Whether 
defeated or not, Government will remain in power. 
Moreover, the Secretary of State for India will have the 
power to veto, and no harm can happen. If the Govern- 
ment, either Provincial or Supreme, disregard the vote 
against it, and if the Secretary of State support the disre- 
garding Government, thete will be, as a last remedy, the- 
Stanaing Committee of Parliament as the ultimate appellate- 


FIRST CONGRESS SPEECHES. 


107 


body to decide on the point of disagreement ; and thus 
Parliament will truly, and not merely nominally as at 
present, become the final controlling authority. 

We are British subjects and subjects of the same 
gracious sovereign who has pledged her royal word that we 
are to her as all her other subjects, and we have a right 
to all British institutions. If we are true to ourselves, 
and perseveringly ask what we desire, the British people 
are the very people on earth who will give what is right 
and just. From what has already been done in the past 
we have ample reason to indulge in this belief. Let us 
for the future equally rely on that character and instinct 
of the British. They have taught us our wants and they 
will supply them. 

After some discussion, Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji said : — 
Before the Hon’ble Mr. Telang replies, I may ask to be 
allowed to say a few words. I may just explain what an 
important thing this Standing Committee will be. During 
the East India Company’s time, Parliament was entirely 
independent of it. Parliament was then truly an effective 
appellate body. It took up Indian questions quite freely 
and judged fairly, without the circumstance of parties 
ever interfering with its deliberations. If there was a 
complaint against the Company, Parliament was free to 
sit in judgment on it. What is the position since the 
transfer of the government to the Crown ? The Secretary 
of State for India is the Parliament. Every question in 
which he is concerned becomes a Cabinet question. His 
majority is at his back. This majority has no concern in 
Indian matters further than to back the Government, i.e. 
the Secretary of State for India. All appeals, therefore, 


108 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


to Parliament against the Secretary of State become a 
mere farce. M. P.s are utterly discouraged from their 
inability to do any thing. And the Secretary of State 
becomes the true Great Mogul of India— a despotic 
monarch. His will is his law. Nor can the people of 
India influence him, as their voice is not represented in 
Parliament. Thus, that tribunal can scarcely exercise any 
effectual check over his despotism. The present legislative 
machinery, from the Local Councils upwards, is simply a 
device to legalise despotism and give it the false mask of 
constitutionalism. The tax-payers have no voice in the 
imposition of the taxes they pay, and Parliament has not 
the ability to prevent the levy of unfair or oppressive 
taxation. The ultimate controlling authority seems helpless 
to control anything. Now if we have complete represen- 
tative legislation here, and if we have a Standing Commit- 
tee in Parliament, we shall have both the voice of the 
taxed on the one side and effectual control of Parliament 
on the other. Such a Standing Committee will naturally 
be independent of all parties. Its decision will be no 
defeat of Government. It will be simply a final decision 
on the point of difference that may have arisen between the 
representatives of the people in India on the one hand, and 
the Government on the other, on any particular question. 
India will thus have an effectual parliamentary control. 

It is said we should propose something as a substitute 
for the present India office Council. The resolution now 
before the Congress makes this unnecessary. The Council, 
when it was established, was considered to be protective of 
Indian interests. It has not proved so. When it suits 
the Secretary of State, he screens himself behind that 
Council. When it does not suit him, he flings the Council 


FIRST CONGRESS SPEECPIES. 


10 £ 


aside. We have no means of knowing what good at all is 
done by the Council. Its irresponsibility and its secrecy 
are fatal objections to its continuance. Such a thing in 
Government of an empire of 200 millions of people and 
under the British is an utter and an inexplicable anach- 
ronism. Moreover, the majority of the Council consists 
of Anglo-Indians. These, sitting in judgment on their 
own hand work, naturally regard it as perfect. Having 
left India years ago, they fail to realise the rapid changes 
that are taking place here in our circumstances, lose 
touch with us and offer resistance to all progress. Times 
are now changed. The natives, I may sa} 7 , have come of 
age. They can represent directly their wishes and views 
to the Government here, and to the Secretary of State. 
They do not require the aid of this Council at the India 
Office for their so-called representation or protection. 

I may here remark, that the chief work of this the 
first National Congress of India is to enunciate clearly and 
boldly our highest and ultimate wishes. Whether we get 
them or not immediately, let our rulers know what our 
highest aspirations are. And if we are true to ourselves* 
the work of each delegate present here will be to make the 
part of India where he happens to live devote itself earn- 
estly to carrying out the objects resolved upon at this 
Congress with all due deliberation. If, then, we lay down 
clearly that we desire to have the actual government of 
India transferred from England to India under the simple 
controlling power of the Secretary of State, and of Parlia- 
ment, through its Standing Committee, and that we further 
desire that taxation and legislation shall be imposed here 
by representative Councils, we say what we are aiming at. 
And that under such an arrangement no Council tc advise 


110 SPEECHES OF DADABBAI NAOROJI. 

the Secretary of State is necessary. Neither is a Council 
needed to attend to the appellate executive work. There 
is a permanent Under-Secretary of State who will he able 
to keep up continuity of knowledge and transact all cur- 
rent business. There are, besides, Secretaries at the head 
of the different, departments as experts. I do not deny 
that at times the India Office Council has done good 
service. But this was owing to the personality and 
sympathy of individual men like Sir E. Perry. The con- 
stitution of the body as a body is objectionable apd 
anomalous. When the whole power of imposing taxation 
and legislation is transferred here, the work of the Secre- 
tary of State will be largely diminished. It will only be con- 
fined to general supervision of important matters. Whatever 
comes before him for disposal will be set forth by the 
Government from here full 3^ and fairly in all its bearings. 
No Council will be needed to aid him in forming his judg- 
ment. Thus no substitute is required for the India 
Office Council. It is enough for us to formulate the 
scheme, now submitted for your consideration, as one 
which India needs and desires, viz., representative Legis- 
lative Councils in India, with full financial control and 
interpellatory powers. And we shall not need to trouble 
much the authorities in England. 


: 0 : 



£ >' . l .j i \ : ' • ; v . f , f 

Simultaneous Examinations in England & India, 


The Hon’ble Dadabhai Naoroji, in moving the 
fourth Resolution*, said: — The Resolution which 1 am pro- 
posing does not in any way involve the question whether the 
distinction between the covenanted and uncovenanted ser- 
vices should be abolished or not. That is a separate question 
altogether, and in fact, if my resolution is adopted that 
question will become unnecessary or very subordinate. 
The resolution which I propose to you is of the utmost 
possible importance to India. It is the most important 
key to our material and moral advancement. All our 
other political reforms will benefit us but very little indeed 
if this reform of all reforms is not made. It is the 
question of poverty or prosperity. It is the question of life 
and death to India. It is the question of questions. 
Fortunately, it is not necessary for me on this occasion to 
go into all its merits, as I hope you are all already well 

* “ That in the opinion of this Congress the Competitive 
Examinations now held in England, for first appointments in vari- 
ous Civil departments of the public service, should henceforth, in 
accordance with the views of the India Office Committee of 1860, 

‘ be held simultaneously, one in England and one in India, both 
being as far as practicable identical in their nature, and those who 
compete in both countries being finally classified in one list accord- 
ing to merit,’ and that the successful candidates in India should be 
sent to England for further study, and subjected there to such 
further examinations as may seem needful. Further, that all other 
first appointments (excluding peonships and the like) should be filled 
by competitive examinations held in India, under conditions calcu- 
lated to secure such intellectual, moral, and physical qualifications 
as may be decided by Government to be necessary. Lastly, that 
the maximum age of candidates for entrance into the Covenanted 
Civil Service be raised to not less than 23 years.” 


112 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


aware of my views and their reasons, or it would have been 
very difficult for me to lay before you all I should have 
had to say without speaking for hours. There is an addi- 
tional good fortune for me that what I want to propose 
was already proposed a quarter of a century ago by no less 
an authority than a Committee of the India Office itself. 
The report of this Committee gives the whole matter in a 
nutshell from the point of view of justice, right, expedi- 
ency and honest fulfilment of promises. And the reasons 
given by it for the Covenanted Civil Service apply equally to 
all the other services in the civil department. I do not 
refer to the military service in this resolution, as that is a 
matter requiring special consideration and treatment. To 
make my remarks as brief as possible, as we are much 
pressed for time, 1 shall first at once read to you the extract 
from the report of the Committee consisting of Sir J. P. 
Willoughby, Mr. Mangles, Mr. Arbuthnot, Mr. Macnaugh- 
ten, and Sir Erskine Perry. 

The report, dated 20th January 1860, says : — 

“ 2. We are, in the first place, unanimously of opinion that 
it is not only just but expedient that the Natives of India shall be 
employed in the administration of India to as large an extent as 
possible, consistently with the maintenance of British supremacy,, 
and have considered whether any increased facilities can be given 
in this direction. 

“3. It is true that, even at present, no positive disqualifica- 
tion exists. By Act 3 and 4, Wm. 4, C. 85, S. 87, it is enacted 
“that no Native of the said territories, nor any natural born 
subject of His Majesty resident therein, shall, by reason only of 
his religion, place of birth, descent, colour or any of them, be 
disabled from holding any place, office or employment under the 
said Company.” It is obvious therefore that when the competi- 
tive system was adopted it could not have been intended to exclude 
Natives of India from the Civil Service of India. 

“4. Practically, however, they are excluded. The law 
declares them eligible, but the difficulties opposed to a Native 
leaving India, and residing in England for a time, are so great, that 


FIRST CONGRESS SPEECHES. 


113 


as a general rule, it is almost impossible for a Native success- 
fully to compete at the periodical examination held in England. 
Were this inequality removed, we should no longer be exposed to 
the charge of keeping promise to the ear and breaking it to the 
hope. 

u 5. Two modes have been suggested by which the object in 
view might be attained. The first is by allotting a certain portion 
of the total number of appointments declared in each year to be 
competed for in India by Natives and by other natural-born sub- 
jects of Her Majesty’s residents in India. The second is, to hold 
simultaneously two examinations, one in England and one in India, 
both being, as far as practicable, identical in their nature, and 
those who compete in both countries being finally classified in one 
list according to merit by the Civil Service Commissioners. The 
Committee have no hesitation in giving the preference to the 
second scheme, as being the fairest, and the most in accordance 
with the principles of a general competition for a common object.’ 

Now according to strict right and justice the 
examination for services in India ought to take place in 
India alone. The people of Australia, Canada and the 
Cape do not go to England for their services. Why should 
Indians be compelled to go to England to compete for the 
services, unless it be England’s despotic will. But I am 
content to propose the resolution according to the views of 
the Committee for simultaneous examinations, both in 
England and in India, and reasons that apply to the Civil 
Service apply equally well to the other services in the 
Civil Department, viz., Engineering, Medical, Telegraph, 
Forest, and so on. 

I may here remind you that in addition to the Act 
of 1833 referred to by the Committee, we have the solemn 
promises contained in the Proclamation of our gracious 
Sovereign. The fact is told to us in unmistakable lan- 
guage : — 

“ We hold ourselves bound to the Natives of our Indian terri- 
tories by the same obligations of duty which bind us to all our 
other subjects ; and those obligations, by the blessing of Almighty 
God, we shall faithfully and conscientiously fulfil,” 

8 


114 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


And then they declared her gracious promise speci- 
fically on this very part of the services : — 

‘‘ And it is our further will that, so far as may be, our subjects 
of whatever race or creed, be freely and impartially admitted to 
offices in our service, the duties of which they may be qualified, by 
their education, ability and integrity, duly to discharge.” 

This gracious proclamation and the promises contain- 
ed therein were made known in 1858. And the India Office 
Committee showed, inl860, in what way these promises could 
be fulfilled, so as to relieve the English nation from “ the 
charge of keeping promise to the ear and breaking it to 
the hope.” With the Act of Parliament of 1833, the 
solemn promises of 1858, of our Sovereign before God and 
man, and the declaration by the India Office of the mode 
of fulfilling those promises in 1860, it is hardly necessary 
for me to say more. Our case for the resolution proposed 
by me is complete. As a matter of justice, solemn pro- 
mises and even expediency, I would have ended my 
speech here, but my object in proposing this resolution 
rests upon a far higher and a most important conside- 
ration. The question of the extreme poverty of India 
is now no more a controversial , point. Viceroys and 
Finance Ministers have admitted it. The last official 
declaration by Sir E. Baring is complete and unequivocal. 
In his budget speech of 18th March 1882 he said : — - 

It has been calculated that the average , income per head of 
population in India is not more than Rs.27 a year; and though 
I am not prepared to pledge myself to the absolute accuracy of a 
calculation of this sort, it is sufficiently accurate to justify the 
conclusion that the taxpaying community is exceedingly poor. 
To derive any very large increase of revenue from so poor a popu- 
lation as this is obviously impossible, and, if it were possible, 
would be unjustifiable.” 

Again, in the discussion on the budget, after repeat- 
ing the above statement regarding the income of Rs.27 
per head per annum, he said : — 


FIRST CONGRESS SPEECHES. 


M5 


“ But he thought it was quite sufficient to show the extreme 
poverty of the mass of the people. In England the average incomq 
per head of population was £33 per head ; in France it was £23 j 
in Turkey, which was the poorest country in Europe, it was £4 
per head. He would ask Honorable members to think what 
Its. 27 per annum was to support a person, and then he would aslv 
whether a few annas was nothing to such poor people.” 

With this emphatic and clear opinion before you, I 
need not say more. The question is what is the cause of 
this poverty ? I have shown in my papers on the poverty 
of India, and in my correspondence with the Secretary of 
State for India, that the sole cause of this extreme poverty 
and wretchedness cf the mass of the people is the in- 
ordinate employment of foreign agency in the govern- 
ment of the country and the consequent material loss to 
and drain from the country. I request those who have 
not already seen these papers to read them 1 , for it is 
utterly impossible for me to go through the whole argu- 
ment here. It will be, therefore, now clear to you that 
the employment of Native agency is not merely a matter 
of justice and expediency, according to the views of the 
India Office Committee, but a most absolute necessity for 
the poor, suffering, and starving millions of India. It is 
a question of life and death to the country. The present 
English rule is no doubt the greatest blessing India, has 
ever had, but this one evil of it nullifies completely 
all the good it has achieved. Remove but this one evil, 
and India will be blessed in every way and will be a 
blessing to England also in every way. The commerce 
between England and India will increase so that England 
will then be able to benefit herself ten times more by 
India’s prosperity than what she does now. There will 
be none of the constant struggle that is at present , to be 
witnessed between the rulers and the ruled— the one 


116 


SPEECHES OF DADABHM NAOROJI. 


screwing out more and more taxes, like squeezing a squeezed 
orange — inflicting suffering and distress, and the other 
always crying itself hoarse about its inability to provide 
them owing to extreme poverty. By the removal of the 
evil — India will be able not merely to supply a revenue 
of £70,000,000, but £170,000,000, with ease and com- 
fort. England takes over 50 shillings a head for her 
revenue, why may not India under the same rule be able 
to take even 20 a head ? Indians would easily pay 
£200,000.000. I, should stop now. I hope you will see 
that this resolution is of the greatest possible importance 
to India, and I implore every one of you present here 
to-day to strain every nerve and work perseveringly in 
your respective localities to attain this object. With 
regard to the second part of the resolution, the unccve- 
nanted services, the same reasoning and necessity apply. 
A fair sj stem of competition, testing all necessary qualifi- 
cations — mental, moral and physical — will be the most 
suitable mode of supplying the services with the best and 
most eligible servants, and relieve Government of all the 
pressure of back door and private influences, and jobbery. 

The subject of the age of candidates for the Civil 
Service examination needs no lengthened remarks from 
me. It has been only lately thrashed out, and it has been 
established beyond all doubt that the higher age will 
give you a superior class of men, whether English or 
Native. I conclude, therefore, with the earnest exhor- 
tation that you will all apply yourselves vigorously to 
free poor India from the great evil of the drain on her 
resources. 

If the British will once understand our true condi- 
tion, their conscientious desire to rule India for India’s 


FIRST CONGRESS SPEECHES: 


117 


and humanity’s good, will never allow the evil to continue 
any longer. Lastly, I hope and trust that our rulers will 
receive our representations in their proper spirit. We 
sincerely believe that the good we propose for ourselves 
is also a good for them. Whatever good they will do to 
us cannot but in the very nature of things be good to 
them also. The better we are in material and moral 
prosperity, the more grateful, attached and loyal we shall 
be the worse we are, the less our gratitude and loyalty 
shall naturally be. The more prosperous we are, the 
larger shall be their custom ; the worse we are, the condi- 
tion will be the reverse. The question of our prosperity 
is as much the question of the prosperity of England and 
her working man. England’s trade would be enriched by 
,£250,000,000, if with our prosperity each unit of the 
Indian population is ever able to buy from England goods 
worth only £1 per annum. What is wanted is the fruc- 
tification in our own pocket of our annual produce. I 
repeat that it is my hope and trust that our rulers may 
receive our players in their right spirit and do us all the 
good in their power, for it will redound to their good 
name, honour and everlasting glory. Let us have the 
Royal Proclamation fulfilled in its true spirit and integrity 
and both England and India will be benefited and 
blessed. 

With these observations I beg to propose the Fourth 
Resolution. 

The Hon’ble Dadabhai Naorcji, in reply to the dis- 
cussion, said : — I am glad I have not much to reply to. 
The appreciation of the importance of the resolution is 
clear. My remarks will be more as explanations of a few 
matters. .1 had much to do with the passing of' the clause 


118 


SPEECHES: OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


for granting to ns the Statutory' Civil Service. It is an 
important concession, and we have to be very grateful 
for it. I need not here go into its history. The states- 
men in England who gave us this were sincere and 
explicit in the matter. Whatever complaint we have, it 
is with the authorities here. First of all, after the clause- 
was passed, the Government of India entirely ignored it_ 
and did nothing to give it effect for 6 years ! It was only 
when pressure was applied to it from England, into the 
details of which this is not the time or place for me to- 
enter, that the necessary rules were at last prepared and 
published. These rules have been so drafted that they 
may be carried out in a way to bring discredit on the 
Service. And whether this is done intentionally or not, 
whether the subsequent objectionable action upon it was 
also intentional or not, I cannot say. But the most 
important element in the carrying out of this clause was 
partially or wholly ignored, and that has been the real 
cause of its so-called failure,— I mean educational compe- 
tence, ascertained either by suitable competition, or proved 
ability, was, an absolutely indispensable condition for 
admitting candidates to this service. It is just this 
essential condition that has been several times ignored or 
forgotten. Let therefore your efforts be devoted strenuously 
not against the clause itself, but against the objectionable 
mode in which the nominations are made. The Bengal 
Government has moved in a satisfactory direction, and 
its example should be followed by all the Governments. It 
ivill be the height of folly on our part to wish the abolition 
of this Statutory Civil Service — rexcepting only when simul- 
taneous examinations are held in England and India giving- 
a fair field to all, as proposed in the present resolution: 


FIRST CONGRESS SPEECHES. 


119 


In this fair competition, Eurasians, or domiciled English- 
men, in fact all subjects of Her Imperial Majesty, will 
have equal justice. I understand that the Eurasians and 
domiciled Anglo-Indians come under the definition of what 
is called “ Statutory Natives.” It is only right that those 
whose country is India should be considered as Natives, and 
should enjoy all the rights and privileges of Natives. 
United action between the Natives and Eurasians and 
domiciled Anglo-Indians will be good for all. What is 
objectionable is, that / Eurasians and domiciled Anglo-. 
Indians blow hot and cold at the same time. At one mo- 
ment they claim to be Natives, and at another they spurn 
the Natives and claim to be Englishmen ! Common sense 
must tell them that this is an absurd position to take up 
and must ultimately do then: more harm than good. I 
desired that there should be cordial union between all 
whose country is, or who make their country, India. One 
of the speakers remarked that the employment of 
Natives will be economical. This is a point which I am 
afraid is not clearly understood. The fact is that the 
employment of a Native is not only economy, but 
complete gain to the whole extent of his salary. When a 
European is employed, he displaces a Native whom nature 
intended to fill the place. The native coming in his place 
is natural. Every pie he eats is therefore a gain to the 
country, and every pie he saves is so much saved to the 
country for the use of all its children. Every pie paid to 
a foreigner is a complete material loss to the country. 
Every pie paid to a Native is a complete material saving. 
to the country. In fact, as I have already endeavoured to 
impress upon you as earnestly as possible, it is the whole 
question of the poverty or prosperity of the country. 


120 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOIiOJI. 


We should of course pay a reasonable price for English 
rule, so that we may have the highest power of control and 
supervision in English hands, but beyond that is simply 
to ruin India and not such a benefit to England as she 
would otherwise have, were India a prosperous country. 
Our friend there expressed some doubt about the necessity 
of going to England. I say without the least hesitation 
that the candidate himself as well as the service will be 
vastly benefited by a visit to England. The atmosphere 
of freedom and high civilization which he will breathe 
will make him an altered man — in character, in intelli- 
gence, in experience, in self-respect and in appreciation of 
due respect for others. In short, he will largely increase 
his fitness and command more respect in his responsible 
service. I mean, of course, in the resolution that the 
expenses of such visits to England by the candidates who 
have successfully passed the different examinations for the 
different services in India, should be paid from the public 
revenue. It may be made clear in the resolution, by 
adding “ at the public expense.” 

I conclude with my most anxious and earnest exhor- 
tation to this Congress, and to every individual member of 
it, that they should perse veringly strain every nerve to 
secure the all important object of this resolution as early 
as possible. Once this foreign drain, this “ bleeding to 
death,” is stopped, India will be capable, by reason of its 
land, labour and its vast resources to become as prosperous 
as England, with benefit to England also ard to mankind, 
and with eternal glory to the English name and nation. 


SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 


Maiden Speech. 

\_0n the 9th August 1892 , Mr. Ncioroji made his 
maiden speech in the House of Commons , during the debate 
on the Address to the Queenh\ 

It may be considered rather rash and unwise on my 
part to stand before this House so immediately after my 
admission here : and my only excuse is that I am under 
a certain necessity to do so. My election for an English 
constituency is a unique event. For the first time dur- 
ing more than a century of settled British rule, an Indian 
is admitted into the House as a member for an English 
constituency. That, as I have said, is a unique event in 
the history of India, and, I may also venture to say, in 
the history of the British Empire. I desire to say a few 
words in analysis of this great and wonderful phenome- 
non. The spirit of the British rule, the instinct of Bri- 
tish justice and generosity, from the very commence- 
ment, when they seriously took the matter of Indian policy 
into their hands, about the beginning of this century, 
decided that India was to be governed on the lines of 
British freedom and justice. Steps were taken without 
uny hesitation to introduce Western education, civili- 
sation, arid political institutions in that country ; and the 
result was that, aided by a noble and grand language in 
which the youth of that country began to be educated, a 
great movement of political life — I may say new life — - 
was infused into that country which had been decaying 
for centuries. The British rulers of the country endowed 
It with all their own most important privileges. A few 


122 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


days ago, Sir, you demanded from the Throne the privi- 
leges which belong to the people, including freedom of 
speech, for which they fought and shed their blood. That 
freedom of speech you have given to us, and it enables 
Indians to stand before you and represent in clear and 
open language any desire they have felt. By conferring 
those privileges you have prepared for this final result of 
an Indian standing before you in this House, becoming 
a member of the great Imperial Parliament of the Bri- 
tish Empire, and being able to express his views openly 
and fearlessly before you. The glory and credit of this 
great event— by which India is thrilled from one end to 
the other — of the new life, the joy, the ecstacy of India at 
the present moment, are all your own ; it is the spirit of Bri- 
tish institutions and the love of justice and freedom in 
British instincts which has produced this extraordinary 
result, and I stand here in the name of India to thank 
the British people that they have made it at all possible 
for an Indian to occupy this position, and to speak freely 
in the English language of any grievance which India 
may be suffering under, with the conviction that though 
he stands alone, with only one vote, whenever he is able to 
bring forward any aspiration and is supported by just and 
proper reasons, he will find a large number of other mem- 
bers from both sides of the House ready to support him 
and give him the justice he asks. This is the conviction 
which permeates the whole thinking and educated classes 
of India. It is that conviction that enables us to work 
on, day after day, without dismay, for the removal of a 
grievance. The question now being discussed before the 
House will come up from time to time in practical shape- 
and I shall then be able to express my humble views upon 


SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 


12a 


them as a representative of the English constituency of 
Central Finsbury. 1 do not intend to enter into them 
now. Central Finsbury has earned the everlasting grati- 
tude of the millions of India, and has made itself famous 
in the History of the British Empire, by electing an 
Indian to represent it. Its name will never be forgotten 
by India. This event has strengthened the British power 
and the loyalty and attachment of India to it ten times 
more than the sending but of one hundred thousand 
European soldiers would have done. The moral force 
to which the right honourable gentleman, the member for* 
Midlothian (Mr. W. E. Gladstone), referred is the golden 
link by which India is held by the British power. So 
long as India is satisfied with the justice and honour of 
Britain, so long will her Indian Empire last, and I have 
not the least doubt that, though our progress may be slow 
and we may at times meet with disappointments, if we 
persevere, whatever justice we ask in reason we shall get. 
I thank you, Sir, for allowing me to say these few words 
and the House for so indulgently listening to me, and I 
hope that the connection between England and India — 
which forms five-sixths of the British Empire — may conti- 
nue long with benefit to both countries. There will be 
Certain Indian questions, principally of administration, 
which I shall have to lay before the House, and I am quite 
sure that when they are brought forward they will be 
fairly considered, and if reasonable, amended to our satis- 
faction. 


. o 


AN INQUIRY INTO THE CONDITION OF INDIA. 



AMENDMENT FOR A FULL AND INDEPENDENT 
PARLIAMENTARY ENQUIRY. 

■ ■> • * » . 

August lJfth , 189Jf.. 

Mr. Naoroji (Finsbury, Central) said he undertook 
now to second this Resolution, and before going into the 
subject of the different parts of which it consisted he would 
say a few preliminary words. The Government of India 
distinctly admitted and knew very well that the educated 
people of India were thoroughly loyal. The hon. Member 
•of Kingston (Sir R. Temple) had stated that the state of 
the country and of the people often invited or demanded 
•criticism on the part of the Natives. It was in every way 
desirable that their sentiments and opinions should be 
made known to the ruling classes, and such outspoken 
frankness should never be mistaken for disloyalty or dis- 
affection. Nothing was nearer to his (Mr. Naoroji’s) mind 
than to make the fullest acknowledgment offall the good 
that had been done by the connexion of the British people 
with India. They had no complaint against the British 
people and Parliament. They had from them everything 
they could desire. It was against the system adopted by 
the British Indian authorities in the last century and 
maintained up till now, though much modified, that they 
protested. The first point in the Motion was the condition 
of the people of India. In order to understand fully the 
present condition of the people of India, it was necessary 
to have a sort of sketch of the past, and he would give it 


SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 


125 


as briefly as possible. In the last century the Adminis- 
tration was everything that should not be desired. He- 
would give a few extracts from letters of the Court of 
Directors and the Bengal Government. In one of the 
letters the Directors said (8th of February, 1764) : — 

“Your deliberations on the inland trade have laid open to us a 
scene of most cruel oppression ; the poor of the country, who used 
always to deal in salt, beetlenut, and tobacco, are now deprived of 
their daily bread by the trade of the Europeans.” 

Lord Clive wrote (17th of April, 1765): — 

“The confusion we behold, what does it arise from ? — rapacity 
and luxury, the unwarrantable desire of many to acquire in an in- 
stant what only a few can or ought to possess.” 

Another letter of Lord Clive to the Court of Directors 
said (30th of September, 1765): — 

“ It is no wonder that the lust of riches should readily embrace 
the proffered means of its gratification, or that the instruments of 
your power should avail themselves of their authority and proceed 
even to extortion in those cases where simple corruption could not 
keep pace with their rapacity. Examples of this sort set by super- 
iors could not fail of being followed in a proportionate degree by 
inferiors ; the evil was contagious, and spread among the civil and 
military down to the writer, the ensign, and the free merchant.'’ 

He would read one more extract from a letter of the 
Court of Directors (17th of May, 1766); — 

“We must add that we think the vast fortunes acquired in the 
inland trade have been obtained by a scene of the most tyrannic 
and oppressive conduct that ever was known in any age or 
country.” 

Macaulay had summed up : — 

“ A war of Bengalees against Englishmen was like a war of 

sheep against wolves, of men against demons The business 

of a servant of the Company was simply to wring out of the Na- 
tives a hundred or tw r o hundred thousand pounds as speedily as 
possible.” 

Such was the character of the Government and the 
Administration in the last century; when all this was 
disclosed by the Committee of 1772, of course, a change was 


126 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOJROJI. 


made, and a change for the better, lie Would now give 
the opinion of Anglo-Indian and English statesmen, and 
the House would observe that he did not say a single word 
as to what the Indians thenrselves said. He put his case 
before the House in the words of Anglo-Indian and Eng- 
lish statesmen alone ; some of them had expressed great 
indignation with usual British feeling against wrong-doing, 
others had expressed themselves much more moderately; 
Sir John Shore was the first person Who gave a clear 
prophetic forecast of the character of this system and its 
effects as early as 1787. He then said (Ret. 377 of 
1812):— 

“ Whatever allowance we may make for the increased industry 
•of the subjects of the State, owing to the enhanced demand for 
the produce of it (supposing the demand to be enhanced), there 
is reason to conclude that the benefits are more than counter- 
balanced by evils inseparable from the system of a remote foreign 
•dominion.” 

The words were true to the present day. In 1790 
Lord Cornwallis said, in a Minute, that the heavy drain of 
wealth by the Company, with the addition of remittances 
of private fortunes, was severely felt" in the languor thrown 
upon the cultivation and commerce’ of the country. In 
1823 Sir Thomas Munro pointed out that were Britain 
subjugated by a foreign Power, and the people excluded 
from the government of their country, all their knowledge 
and all their literature, sacred and profane, would not save 
them from becoming in a generation or two a low-minded, 
deceitful, and dishonest race. Ludlow, in his British 
India, said : — 

“As respects the general condition of the country, let us first 
recollect what Sir Thomas Munro wrote years ago, 1 that even if 
we could be secured against every internal commotion and could 
retain the country quietly in subjection, he doubted much if the 
condition of the people would be better than under the Native 


SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 


127 


Princes’ : that the inhabitants of the British Provinces were 
4 certainly the most abject race in India ’ ; that the consequences 
of the conquest of India by the British arms would be, in place of 
raising, to debase the whole people.” 

Macaulay, in introducing the clause of our equality 
with all British subjects, our first Charter of our emancip- 
ation in the Bill of 1833, said in his famous and statesman- 
like speech : — 

“ That would, indeed, be a doting wisdom which, in order that 
India may remain a dependency .... which would keep a 
hundred millions of men from being our customers in order that 
they might continue to be our slaves.” 

And, to illustrate the character of the existing system, 
he said 

u It was, as Bernier tells us, the practice of the miserable 
tyrants Avhom he found in India, when they dreaded the capacity 
and spirit of some distinguished subject, and yet could not venture 
to murder him, to administer to him a daily dose of the pousta, a. 
preparation of opium, the effect of which was in a few months to 
destroy all the bodily and mental' powers of the wretch who was 
drugged with it, and to turn him into a helpless idiot. This detes- 
table artifice, more horrible than assassination itself, was worthy 
of those who employed it. It is no model for the English nation. 
We shall never consent to administer the pousta to a whole com- 
munity — to stupify and paralyse a great people whom God has 
committed to our charge — for the wretched purpose of rendering 
them more amenable to our control.” 

In a speech (19th of February, 1844; he said r 

Of all forms of tyranny I believe that the worst is that of a 
nation over a natiop.” < 

Lord Lansdowne, in introducing the same clause of the' 
Bill of 1833 into the House of Lords, pointed out that 
he should be taking a very narrow view of this question,; 
and one utterly inadequate to the great importance of tlia 
subject, which involved in it the happiness or misery of 
100,000,000 of human beings, were he not to call the 
attention of their Lordships to the bearing which this 
question, and to the iniluence which this arrangement 
ninst e^eicise upon the future destinies of that vast nrass^ 


128 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOEOJ1. 




of people. With such high sense of statesmanship and 
responsibility did Lord Lansdowne of 1833 break our 
chains. The Indian authorities, however, never allowed 
those broken chains to fall from our body, and the grand- 
son — the Lord Lansdowne of 1893 — now ri vetted back 
those chains upon us. Look upon this picture and upon 
that ! And the Indians were now just the same British 
slaves, instead of British subjects, ns they were before- 
their emancipation in 1833. Mr. Montgomery Martin,, 
after examining the records of a survey of the condition 
of the people of some Provinces of Bengal or Behar, which 
had been made for nine years from 1807-16, concluded : — 
“ It is impossible to avoid remarking two facts as peculiarly 
striking : First, the richness of the country surveyed ; and r 
second, the poverty of its inhabitants.” 

He gave the reason for these striking facts. He 
said : — 

“ The annual drain of £3,000,000 on British India has amoun- 
ted in 30 years at 12 per cent, (the usual Indian rate) compound 
interest to the enormous sum of £723,900,000 sterling. So con- 
stant and accumulating a drain, even in England, would soon im- 
poverish her. How severe, then, must be its effects in India 
where the wage of a labourer is from 2d. to 3d. a day.” 

The drain at present was seven times, if not ten 
times, as much. Mr. Frederick Shore, of the Bengal 
Civil Service, said, in 1837 : — 

“ But the halcyon-days of India are over. She has been 
drained of a large proportion of the wealth she onc-e possessed, 
and her energies have been cramped by a sordid system of misrule 
to which the interests of millions have been sacrificed for the 
benefit of the few. The fundamental principle of the English had 
been to make the whole Indian nation subservient in every possible 
way to the interests and benefits of themselves.” 

And he summarised thus 

“ The summary was that the British Indian Government had 
been practically one of the most extortionate and oppressive that 
ever existed in India. Some acknowledged this, and observed that 


SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 


129 


it was the unavoidable result of a foreign yoke. That this was 
correct regarding a Government conducted on the principles which 
had hitherto actuated us was too lamentably true, but, had the 
welfare of the people been our object, a very different course would 
have been adopted, and very different results would have followed. 
For again and again I repeat that there was nothing in the circum- 
stances itself of our being foreigners of different colour and faith 
that should occasion the people to hate us. We might thank our- 
selves for having made their feelings towards us what they were. 
Had we acted on a more liberal plan we should have fixed our 
authority on a much more solid foundation.” 

After giving some more similar^ authorities, Sir R. 
Temple and others, the bon. gentleman proceeded : Mr. 
Bright, speaking in the House of Commons in 1858, 
said : — 

“ We must in future have India governed, not for a handful of 
Englishmen, not for that Civil Service whose praises are so con- 
stantly sounded in this House. You may govern India, if you like, 
for the good of England, but the good of England must come 
through the channels of the good of India. There are but two 
modes of gaining anything by our connexion with India — the one is 
by plundering the people of India, and the other by trading with 
them. I prefer to do it by trading with them. But in order that 
England may become rich by trading with India, India itself must 
become rich. 

Sir George Wingate, with his intimate acquaintance 
with the condition of the people of India, as the introducer 
of the Bombay land survey system, pointed out, with 
reference to the economic effects upon the condition of 
India, that taxes spent in the country from which they 
were raised were totally different in their effect from taxes 
raised in one coup. try and spent in another. In the 
former case the taxes collected from the population were 
again returned to the industrial classes ; but the case was 
wholly different when taxes were not spent in the country 
from which they were raised, as they constituted an abso- 
lute loss and extinction of the whole amount withdrawn 
from the taxed country ; and he said, further, that such 
9 


130 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


was the nature of the tribute the British had so long 
exacted from India — and that with this explanation some 
faint conception may be formed of the cruel, crushing 
effect of the tribute upon India — that this tribute, whether 
weighed in the scales of Justice or viewed in the light of 
the British interests, would be found to be at variance 
with humanity, with common sense, and with the received 
maxim of economical science. Mr. Fawcett quoted Lord 
Metcalf (5th May, 1868), that the bane of the British- 
Indian system was, that the advantages were reaped by one 
class and the work was done by another. This havoc was 
going on increasing up to the present day. Lord Salis- 
bury, in a Minute [Bet. c. 3086-1 of 1881], pointed out 
that the injury was exaggerated in the case of India, 
where so much of the revenue was exported without a 
direct equivalent — that as India must be bled, the lancet 
should be directed to the parts where the blood was con- 
gested or at least sufficient, not to the rural districts which 
were already feeble from the want of blood. This bleed- 
ing of India must cease. Lord Hartington, the Duke of 
Devonshire, declared (23rd August 1883) that India was 
insufficiently governed, and that if it was to be better 
governed, that could only be done by the employment of 
the best and most intelligent of the Natives in the Service 
and he further advised that it was not wise to drive the 
people to think that their only hope lay in getting rid of 
their English rulers. Lastly, with regard to the present 
condition of India, and even serious danger to British 
power, a remarkable confirmation was given, after a 
hundred years, to Sir John Shore's prophecy of 1787, by 
the Secretary of State for India in 1886. A letter of the 
India Office to the Treasury said (Ret. c. 4868 of 1886) : — 


SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 


131 


“ Their position of India in relation to taxation and the source 
of the public revenue is very peculiar, not merely from the habits 
of the people and their strong aversion to change, which is more 
specially exhibited to new forms of taxation, but likewise from the 
character of the government, which is in the hands of foreigners, 
who hold the principal administrative offices and form so large a 
party of the Army. The impatience of the new taxation which will 
have to be borne wholly as a consequence of the foreign rule 
imposed on the country and virtually to meet additions to charges 
arising outside of the country, would constitute a political danger 
the real magnitude of which, it is to be feared, is not at all appre- 
ciated by persons who have no knowledge of or concern in the 
government of India, but which those responsible for that govern- 
ment have long regarded as of the most serious order.” 

To sum up — as to the material condition of India — 
the main features in the last century were gross corruption 
and oppression by the Europeans ; in the present century, 
high salaries and the heavy weight of European services — 
their economic condition. Therefore, there was no such 
thing as finance of India. No financier ever could make 
a real healthy finance of India, unless be could make two and 
two equal to six. The most essential condition was wanting. 
Taxes must be administered by and disbursed to those who 
paid. That did not exist. From the taxes raised every 
year a large portion was eaten up and carried away from 
the country by others than the people of British India. 
The finances of that country were simply inexplicable, 
and could not be carried out ; if the extracts he had read 
meant anything, they meant that the present evil system 
of a foreign domination was destroying them, and was 
fraught with political danger of the most serious order 
to British power itself. It had been clearly pointed out 
that India was extremely poor. What advantage had 
been derived by India during the past 100 years under 
the administration of the most highly-praised and most 
highly-paid officials in the world ? If there was 


any 


132 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAJ NAOROJI. 


c 

ondemnation of the existing system, it was in the result 
that the country was poorer than any country in the 
world. He could adduce a number of facts and figures- 
of the practical effect of the present system of adminis- 
tration, but there was not the time now. The very fact 
of the wail of the Finance Ministers of this decade was 
a complete condemnation. He was quite sure that the 
right hon. gentleman, the Secretary cf State for India, was 
truly desirous to know the truth, but he could not know 
that clearly unless certain information was placed before 
the House. He would suggest, if the right hen. gentleman 
allowed, a certain number of Returns which would give the 
regular production of the country year by year, and the 
absolute necessaries of a common labourer to live in work- 
ing health. In connexion with the trade test there was- 
one fallacy which he must explain. They were told in 
Statistical Returns that India had an enormous trade of 
nearly £196,000,000, imports and exports together. If 
he sent goods worth £100 out of this country to some 
Other country, he expected there was £100 of it returned 
to him with some addition of profit. That was the natural 
condition of every trade. In the Colonies and in Euro- 
pean countries there was an excess of imports over exports. 
In the United Kingdom for the past 10 years — 1883 to 
1892 — the excess had been 32 per cent., in Norway it 
was 42 per cent., Sweden 24 per cent., Denmark 40 per- 
cent., Holland 22 per cent., France 20 per cent., Switzer- 
land 28 per cent., Spain 9 per cent., Belgium 7 per cent.,, 
and so on. Any one with common sense would, of course, 
admit that if a quantity of goods worth a certain amount 
of money were sent out, an additional profit was expected 
in return ; if not, there could not be any commerce ; but 


SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 


133 


a man who only received ]in return 90 of the 100 sent out 
would soon go into the Bankruptcy Court. Taking India’s 
profits to be only 10 per cent, instead of 32 per cent., like 
those of the United Kingdom, and after making all deduc- 
tions for remittances for interest or* public works loans, 
India had received back Rs. 170,000,000 worth of imports 
less than what she exported annually. On the average of 
10 years (1883 to 1892) their excesses of exports every 
year, with compound interest, would amount to enormous 
sums lost by her. Could any country in the world, Eng- 
land not excepted, stand such a drain without destruction ? 
They were often told they ought to be thankful, and they 
were thankful, for the loans made to them for public works • 
but if they were left to themselves to enjoy what they pro- 
duced with a reasonable price for British rule, if they had 
to develop their own resources, they would not require any 
such loans with the interest to be paid on them, which 
added to the drain on the country. Those loans were 
only a fraction of what was taken away from the country. 
India had lost thousands of millions in principal and inte- 
rest, and was asked to be thankful for the loan of a couple 
of hundreds of millions. The bulk of the British Indian 
subjects were like hewers of wood and drawers of water 
to the British and foreign Indian capitalists. The seeming 
prosperity of British India was entirely owing to the 
amount of foreign capital. In Bombay alone, which was 
considered to be a rich place, there were at least £10,000, 
000 of capital circulating belonging to foreign Europeans 
and Indians from Native States. If all such foreign capital 
were separated there would be very little wealth in British 
India. He could not go further into these figures, because 
he must have an occasion on which he could go more 


134 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


fully into them. If only the right hon. gentleman, 
the Secretary of State for India, would give them the Re- 
turns which were necessary to understand more correctly 
and completely the real condition of India, they would all 
be the better for it. There was another thing that was 
very serious. The whole misfortune at the bottom, which 
made the people of British India the poorest in the world, 
was the pressure to be forced to pay, roughly speaking, 
200,000,000 rupees annually for European foreign services. 
Till this evil of foreign domination, foretold by Sir John 
Shore, was reduced to reasonable dimensions, there was no 
hope, and no true and healthy finance for India. This 
canker was destructive to India and suicidal to the British. 
The British people would not stand a single day the evil if 
the Front Benches here — all the principal military and civil 
posts and a large portion of the Army — were to be occupied 
by some foreigners on even the plea of giving service. When 
an English official had acquired experience in the Service 
of twenty or thirty years, all that was entirely lost to 
India when he left the country, and it was a most serious 
loss, although he did not, blame him for leaving the shore. 
They were left at a certain low level. They could not rise . 
they could not develop their capacity for higher govern- 
ment, because they had no opportunity ; the result was, of 
course, that their faculties must be stunted. Lastly, 
every European displaced an Indian who should fill that 
post. In short, the evil of the foreign rule involved the 
triple loss of wealth, wisdom, and work. No wonder at 
India’s material and moral poverty ! The next point was 
the wants of the Indians. He did not think it would 
require very long discussion to ascertain their wants. 
They could be summed up in a few words. They wanted 


SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 135 


British honour, good faith, righteousness, and justice. 
They should then get everything that was good for them- 
selves, and it would benefit the rulers themselves, but 
unfortunately that had not been their fortune. Here 
they had an admission of the manner in which their best 
interests were treated. Lord Lytton, in a confidential 
Minute, said : — 

No sooner was the Act passed than the Government began to 

devise means for practically evading the fulfilment of it We all 

know that these claims and expectations never can or will be fulfilled. 
We have had to choose between prohibiting them and cheating 
them, and we have chosen the least straightforward course. 

He would nob believe that the Sovereign and the 
Parliament who gave these pledges of justice and honour 
intended to cheat. It was the Indian Executive who had 
abused their trust. That Act of 1833 was a dead letter 
up to the present day. Lord Lytton said : — 

Since I am writing confidentially, I do not hesitate to say 
that both the Governments of England and of India appear to me 
up to the present moment unable to answer satisfactorily the charge 
of having taken every means in their power of breaking to the heart 
the words of promise they had uttered to the ear. 

What they wanted was that what Lord Salisbury 
called “ bleeding ” should have an end. That would 
restore them to prosperity, and England might derive 
ten times more benefit by trading with a prosperous 
people than she was doing now. They were destroying 
the bird that could give them ten golden eggs with a 
blessing upon them. The hon. member for Kingston, in 
his “ India in 1880,” said : — 

Many Native statesmen have been produced of whom the 
Indian nation may justly be proud, and among whom may be men- 
tioned Salar Jung of Hyderabad, Dinkar Rao of Gwalior, Madhao 
Rao of Baroda, Kirparam of Jammu, Pundit Manphal of Alwar, 
Faiz Ali Khan of Kotah, Madhao Rao Barvi of Kolahpur, and 
Purnia of Mysore. 


136 


SPEECHES OF DADABRAI NAOROJI. 


Mountstuart Elphinstone said, before the Committee 
of 1833:— 

The first object, therefore, is to break down the separation 
between the classes and raise the Natives by education and public 
trust to a level with their present rulers. 

He addressed the Conservative Party. It was this 
Party who had given the just Proclamation of 1858 — 
their greater Charter — in these words : — 

We hold ourselves bound to the Natives of our Indian terri- 
tories by the same obligations of duty which bind us to all our 
other subjects, and those obligations, by the blessing of Almighty 
■God, we shall faithfully and con scientiously fulfil. 

It was again the Conservative Party that, on the 
assumption of the Imperial title by our Sovereign, 
proclaimed again the equality of the Natives, whatever 
their race or creed, with their English fellow-subjects, 
and that their claim was founded on the highest justice. 
At the Jubilee, under the Conservative Government 
again, the Empress of India gave to her Indian subjects 
the gracious assurance and pledge that — 

It had always been and always will be her earnest desire to 
maintain unswervingly the principles laid down in the Proclama- 
tion published on her assumption cf the direct control of the 
Government of India. 

He (Mr. Naoroji) earnestly appealed to this Party 
not to give the lie to these noble assurances, and not to 
show to the world that it was all hypocrisy and national 
bad faith. The Indians would still continue to put 
their faith in the English people, and ask again and 
again to have justice done. He appealed to the 
right hon. gentleman, the Secretary of State for 
India, and to the Government, and the Liberal Party, 
who gave them their first emancipation. They felt deeply 
grateful for the promises made, but would ask that these 
words be now converted into loyal, faithful deeds, as 


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137 


Englishmen for their honour are bound to do. Some 
weeks ago the right hon. gentleman, the member for 
Midlothian, wrote a letter to Sir John Cowan in which he 
stated that the past sixty years had been years of emanci- 
pation. Many emancipations had taken place in these 
years ; the Irish, the Jews, the slaves, all received emanci- 
pation in that wave of humanity which passed over this 
country, and which made this country the most brilliant 
and civilised of the countries of the world. In those days 
of emancipation, and in the very year in which the right 
hon. gentleman began his political career, the people of 
India also had their emancipation at the hands of the 
Liberal Party. It was the Liberal Party that passed the 
Act of 1833 and nsade the magnificent promises explained 
both by Macaulay and Lansdowne. He would ask the 
right hon. gentleman, the member for Midlothian, to say 
whether, after the Liberal Party having given this emanci- 
pation at the commencement of his political career, he 
would at the end of it, while giving emancipation to 
3,000,000 of Irishmen, only further enslave the 300,000,000 
of India ? The decision relating to the simultaneous 
examinations meant rivetfcing back upon them every chain 
broken by the act of emancipation. The right hon. gentle- 
man in 1893, in connexion with the Irish question, after 
alluding to the arguments of fear and force, said : — 

“ I hope we shall never again have occasion to fall back upon 
that raisei’able argument. It is better to do justice for terror than 
not to do it at all ; but we are in a condition neither of terror nor 
apprehension ; but in a calm and thankful state. We ask the 
House to accept this Bill, aud I make that appeal on the grounds of 
honour and of duty.” 

Might he, then, appeal in these days when every edu- 
cated man in India was thoroughly loyal, when there was 
loyalty in every class of the people of India and ask, Was it 


138 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


not time for England to do justice to India on the same 
grounds of “ honour and duty ” ? The right hon. Member 
also said : — 

There can be no more melancholy, and in the last result no 
more degrading spectacle upon earth than the spectacle of oppres- 
sion, or of wrong in whatever form, inflicted by the deliberate act 
of a nation upon another nation, especially by the deliberate act of 
such a country as Great Britain upon such a country as Ireland. 

This applied to India with a force ten times greater. 
And ho appealed for the nobler spectacle of which the 
right hon. gentleman subsequently spoke. He said : — 

But, on the other hand, there can be no nobler spectacle than 
that which we think is now dawning upon us, the spectacle of a 
nation deliberately set on the removal of injustice, deliberately 
determined to break — not through terror, not in haste, but under 
the sole influence of duty and honour — determined to break with 
whatever remains still existing of an evil tradition, and determined 
in that way at once to pay a debt of justice, and to consult by a 
bold, wise, and good act, its own interests and its own honour. 

These noble words applied with tenfold necessity to 
Britain’s duty to India. It would be in the interest of 
England to remove the injustice under which India 
suffered more than it would be in the interest even of 
India itself. He would repeat the prayer to the right 
hon. gentleman, the member for Midlothian, that he would 
not allow his glorious career to end with the enthralment 
of 300,000,000 of the human race whose destinies are 
entrusted to this great country, and from which they 
expect nothing but justice and righteousness. The right 
hon. gentleman, the Secretary of State for India, the other 
day made a memorable speech at Wolverhampton. Among 
other things, he uttered these noble words : — 

“ New and pressing problems were coming up with which the 
Liberal Party would have to deal. These problems were the moral 
and material conditions of the people, for both went very much to- 
gether. They were the problems that the statesmen of the future 
would have to solve. Mr. Bright once said that the true glory of a 


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139 


nation was not in ships and colonies and commerce, but in the hap- 
piness of its homes, and that no Government and no Party deserved 
the confidence of the British electorate which did not give a fore- 
most place in its legislation and administration to those measures 
which would promote the comfort, health, prosperity, well-being, 
and the well-doing of the masses of the people. 

He would appeal to the right hon. gentleman, the 
Secretary for India, that in that spirit he should study the 
Indian, problem. Here in England they had to deal with 
only 38,000,000 of people, and if the right hon. gentle- 
man would once understand the Indian problem and do 
them the justice for which they had been waiting for 
sixty years, he would be one of the greatest benefactors 
of the human race. He appealed also to the present 
Prime Minister with confidence, because he had had 
an opportunity of knowing that the Prime Minister 
thoroughly understood the Indian problem. Few English- 
men so clearly understood that problem or the effect of 
the drain on the resources of India. He saw clearly 
also how far India was to be made a blessing to 
itself and to England. Would he begin his promising 
career as Prime Minister by enslaving 300,000,000 of 
British subjects ? He appealed to him to consider. He 
could assure the right hon. gentleman, the Secretary of 
State for India, that the feeling in India among the edu- 
cated classes was nearing despair. It was a very bad seed 
that was being sown in connexion with this matter if 
some scheme was not adopted, with reasonable modifica- 
tions, to give some effect to the Resolution for simul- 
taneous examinations as was promised a few months ago. 
The Under-Secretary for India assured them in the last 
Indian Budget Debate that neither he nor the Secretary 
of State for India had any disposition of thwarting or 


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SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


defeating that Resolution. Indians then felt assured on 
the point, and their joy was great. But what must be 
their despair and disappointment when such statements 
are put before the House of Commons and the country 
as were to be found in this dark Blue Book. It was 
enough to break anybody’s heart. It would have broken 
his but for the strong faith he had in the justice of the 
British people and the one bright ray to be found even 
in that Return itself, which had strengthened him to con- 
tinue his appeal as long as he should live. That ra} T has 
come from the Madras Government. They had pointed 
out that they felt bound to do something. They also 
pointed out the difficulties in the way, but these difficul- 
ties were not insurmountable. About the want of true 
living representation of the people he would not now say 
anything. Every Englishman understood its importance. 
The next point in the Motion was the ability to bear exis- 
ting burdens. Indians were often told by men in autho- 
rity that India was the lightest taxed country ir. the 
world. The United Kingdom paid <£2 10s. per head for the 
purposes of the State. They paid only 5s. or 6s. per 
head, and, therefore, the conclusion was drawn that the 
Indians were the most lightly-taxed people on earth. But 
if these gentlemen would only take the trouble of look- 
ing a little deeper they would see how the matter stood, 
England paid £2 10s. per head, from an income of some- 
thing like <£35 per head, and their capacity, therefore, 
to pay £2 10s. was sufficiently large. Then, again, this 
£2 10s. returned to them — every farthing of it — in some 
form or another. The proportion they paid to the State 
in the shape of Revenues was, therefore, something like 
nly 7 or 8 per cent. India paid 5s. or 6s. out of their 


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141 


wretched incomes of <£2, or 20 rupees, as lie calculated, or 
27 rupees, as calculated by Lord Cromer. But even tak_ 
ing the latter figure, it would not make any great differ- 
ence. The three rupees was far more burdensome com- 
pared with the wretched capacity of the people of India 
to bear taxation than the <£2 10s. which England paid 
At the rate of production of Rs.20 per head India paid 
14 percent, of her income for purposes of revenue — 
nearly twice as heavy as the incidence cf the United 
Kingdom. Even ac the rate of production of Rs.27 per 
head the Indian burden was 11 per cent. Then, again 
take the test of the Income Tax. Jn the United Kinir- 

o 

dom Id. in the Income Tax gave some £2,500,000 ; but 
in India, with ten times the poulation, Id. only gave 
about Rs. 300, 000, with an exemption of only Rs.50 in- 
stead of £150 as in this country. In the last 100 years 
the wealth of England had increased by leaps and bounds^ 
while India, governed by the same Englishmen, was the 
same poor nation that it was all through the century that 
had elapsed, and India at the present moment was the 
most extremely poor country in the world, and would b& 
poor to the end of the chapter if the present system of 
foreign domination continued. He did not say that the 
Natives should attain to the highest positions of control 
and power. Let there be Europeans in the highest posi- 
tions, such as the Viceroy, the Governors, the Commander- 
in-Chief of the Forces, and the higher military officers,, 
and such others as might be reasonably considered to be 
required to hold the controlling powers. The controlling 
power of Englishmen in India was wanted as much for the 
benefit of India as for the benefit of England. The next 
point in the Motion was, what were the sources of Indian 


142 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


Revenue? The chief sources of the Revenue were just 
what was mainly obtained from the cultivators of the soil. 
Here in this country the landlords — the wealthiest people 
— paid from land only 2 or 3 per cent, of the Revenues, 
but in India land was made to contribute something like 
Rs. 27, 000, 000 of the total Revenue of about Rs. 

67,000,000. Then the Salt Tax, the most cruel Revenue 
imposed in any civilised country, provided Re. 8, 600, 000, 
and that with the opium formed the bulk of the Revenue of 
India, which was drawn from the wretchednesss of the people 
and by poisoning the Chinese. It mattered not what the 
State received was called — tax, rent, revenue, or by any 
other name they liked — the simple fact of the matter 
was, that out of a certain annual national production the 
State took a certain portion. Now it would not also 
matter much about the portion taken by the State if 
that portion, as in this country, returned to the people 
themselves, from whom it was raised. But the misfortune 
and the evil was that much of this portion did not 
return to the people, and that the whole system of 
Revenue and the economic condition of the people became 
unnatural and oppressive, with danger to the rulers. In 
this country the people drank nearly £4 per head, while 
in India they could not produce altogether more than 
half that amount per head. Was the system under 
which such a wretched condition prevailed not a matter 
for careful consideration ? So long as the system went on 
so long must the people go on living wretched lives. 
There was a constant draining away of India’s resources, 
and she could never, therefore, be a prosperous country. 
Not only that, but in time India must perish, and with 
it might perish the British Empire. If India was pros- 


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143 


perous, England would be prosperous ten times more 
than she was at present by reason of the trade she 
could carry on with India. England at present exported 
some £300,000.000 worth of British produce, yet to 
India she hardly exported produce to the value of 2s. 6d. 
per head. If India were prosperous enough to buy even 
£1 worth per head of English goods she would be able 
to send to India as much as she now sent to the whole 
world. Would it not, then, be a far greater benefit to 
England if India were prosperous than to keep her as she 
was ? The next point in the Motion was the reduction 
of expenditure. The very first thing should be to cancel 
that immoral and cruel “compensation ” without any legal 
claim even. That was not the occasion to discuss its 
selfishness and utter disregard of the wretchedness of the 
millions of the people. But as if this injustice were not 
enough, other bad features were added to it, if my 
information be correct. The compensation was only for 
remittances to this country. But instead of this, every 
European and Eurasian, whether he had to make any 
family remittances or not, was to have a certain addition 
to his salary. That was not all. The iniquity of making 
race distinctions was again adopted in this also ; 
Europeans and Eurasians, whether remittances had to be 
made or not, were to receive compensation : but an Indian 
who had actually to make remittances for the education 
of his sons, could have no consideration. But he (Mr. 
Naoroji) deprecated the whole thing altogether — to take 
from the wretched to give to the better-off. This com- 
pensation should be cancelled as the first step in reduction. 
As the Chancellor of the Exchequer said the other day 
in his gplendid speech at his magnificent ovation by the 


144 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


Liberal Members, in speaking of the land -owners, the 
burden was always shifted on to other shoulders, and 
always on those least able to pay. This was exactly the 
principle of Anglo-Indian authorities. If it was really 
intended to retrench with regard to expenditure in India 
why not begin with the salary list ? The Viceroy surely 
could get his bread and butter with £20,000 a year 
instead cf £25,000. The Governors could surely have 
bread and cheese for £6,000 or £8,000 instead of £10,000 r 
and so on down till the end of the salary list was reached 
at Rs. 200 a month. This would afford a much-needed 
relief, because India could not really afford to pay. Sir 
William Hunter had rightly said that if we were to 
govern the Indian people efficiently and cheaply we must 
govern them by means of themselves, and pay for the 
administration at the market rates of Native labour ; 
that the good work of security and law had assumed such 
dimensions under the Queen’s government of India that it 
could no longer be carried on or even supervised by 
imported labour from England, except at a cost which 
India could sustain, and he had prophesied that 
40 years hereafter they would have had an Indian Ireland 
multiplied fifty-fold on their hands. The Service must 
charge from that which was dear, and at the same time 
unsatisfactory, to one which would require less money and 
which would at the same time be fruithful to the people 
themselves. Next, three Secretaries of State and two Vice- 
roys the other day in the House of Lords condemned in the 
strongest terms the charge that was made by the War 
Office for troops in India. But it seemed that one Secre- 
tary for India (Lord Kimberley) trembled to approach the 
War Minister, because each new discussion resulted in 


SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 


145 


additional charges and additional burdens. He also truly 
said that the authorities here, not having to pay from their 
own pockets, readily made proposals of charges which were 
unjust and unnecessary, to make things agreeable. The 
consequence was that charges were imposed which were 
unjust and cruel. In fact, whatever could have the name 
of India attached to ir,, India was forced to pay for it. 
That was not the justice which he expected from the Eng- 
lish. With reference to these military charges, the burden 
now thrown upon India on account of British troops was 
excessive, and he thought every impartial judgment would 
assent to that proposition, considering the relative material 
wealth of the two countries and their joint obligations and 
benefits. All that they could do was to appeal to the Bri- 
tish Government for an impartial consideration of the 
relative financial capacity of the two countries, and for a 
generous consideration to be shown by the wealthiest nation 
in the world to a dependency so comparatively poor and so 
little advanced as India. He believed that if any Com- 
mittee were appointed to enquire, with the honest purpose 
of finding out how to make India prosperous and at the 
same time to confer as much if not more benefit to Eng- 
land, they could very easily find out the way, and would 
be able to suggest what should be done. Now, with re- 
gard to the financial relations between India and England, 
it was declared over and over again that this European 
Army and all European servants were for the special pur- 
pose of maintaining the power of the British Empire. 
Were they, therefore, not for some benefit to England ? 
Were they only for the service of India, for their benefit 
and for their protection ? Was it right that they did 
avowedly use machinery more for their own purposes than 
10 


146 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


for the purposes of India, and yet make India pay alto- 
gether ? Was it right, if India’s prosperity was, as Lord 
Heberts said, so indissolubly bound up with their own, and 
if the greatness and prosperity of the United Kingdom 
depended upon the retention of India, that they should 
pay nothing for it, and that they should extract from it 
every farthing they possibly could ? They appealed to 
their sense of justice in this matter. They were not ask- 
ing for this as any favour of concession. They based their 
appeal on the ground of simple justice. Here was a 
machinery by which both England and India benefited : and 
it was only common justice that both should share the cost 
of it. If this expenditure on the European Army and the 
European Civil Services, which was really the cause of 
their misery, was for the benefit of both, it was only right 
that they, as honourable men, should take a share. Their 
prayer was for an impartial and comprehensive enquiry so 
that the whole matter might be gone into, and that the 
question of principles and policy which, after all, was one 
for their statesmen to decide, should be properly dealt with. 
They knew that during the iule of the East India Com- 
pany an enquiry was made every 20 years into the affairs 
of India. This was no reflection upon the Government ; 
it was simply to see that the East India Company did 
their duty. There was such an enquiry in 1853, and he 
thought it was time, after 40 years had elapsed since the 
assumption of British rule by the Queen, that there should 
Ice some regular, independent enquiry like that which use- 
ed to take place in former days, so that the people and 
Parliament of this country might see that the Indian 
authorities were doing their duty. The result of the 
irresponsibility of the present British Administration was 


SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 147 


that the expenditure went on unchecked. He admitted 
fully that expenditure must go on increasing if India was 
to progress in her civilisation ; but if they allowed her to 
prosper, India would be able not only to pay her £60,000,000 
out of the 300,000,000 of population, but she would be 
able to pay twice, three times, and four times as much. 
It was not that the} 7, did not want to expend as much as 
was necessary. Their simple complaint was that the pre- 
sent system did not allow India to become prosperous, and 
eo enable her to supply the necessary revenue. As to the 
character of the enquiry, it should be full and impartial. 
The right hon. member for Midlothian said on one occasion 
not long ago, when the question of the Opium Trade was 
under discussion in that House 

I must make the admission that I do not think that in this 
matter we ought to be guided exclusively, perhaps even principally 
by those who may consider themselves experts. It is a very sad 
thing to say, but unquestionably it happens not infrequently in 
human affairs that those who might from their position, know the 
most and the best, yet, from their prejudices and prepossessions, 
know the least and the worst. I certainly for my part do not pro- 
pose to abide finally and decisively by official opinion. 

And the right hon. gentleman went on to say that 
what the House wanted, in his opinion, was “ independent 
but responsible opinion,” in order to enable him to proceed 
safely to a decision on the subject which was to be con- 
sidered. He was asking by this Resolution nothing more 
than what the right hon. gentleman, the member for Mid- 
lothian, had said was actually necessary for the Opium 
Commission. How much more necessary it was when they 
meant to overhaul and examine all the various departments 
of administration, and the affairs of 300,000,000 of people 
all in a state of transition in civilisation — complicated 
especially by this evil of foreign rule ! What was wanted 


148 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


was an independent enquiry by which the rulers and the 
ruled might come to some fair and honourable under- 
standing with each other which would keep them together 
in good faith and good heart. He could only repeat the 
appeal he had made, in the words of the Queen herself, 
when her Majesty in her great Indian Proclamation 
said : — 

In their prosperity will be our strength, in their contentment 
our security, and in their gratitude our best reward ! 

And then she prayed : — 

And may the God of all power grant to us and to those in 
authority under us strength to carry out these our wishes for the 
good of our people ! 

He said Amen to that. He appealed once more to- 
the House and to the British people to look into the 
whole problem of Indian relations with England. There 
was no reason whatever why there should not be a 
thorough good understanding between the two countries, a 
thorough good-will on the part of Britain, and a thorough 
loyalty on the part of India, with blessings to both, if the 
principles and policy laid down from time to time by the 
British people and by the British Parliament were loyally^ 
faithfully, and worthily, as the English character ought 
to lead them to expect, observed by the Government of 
that country. 

Amendment proposed, to leave out from the word 
“That,” to the end of the Question, in order to add the 
words — 

In the opinion of this House, a full and independent Parlia- 
mentary enquiry should take place into the condition and wants of 
the Indian people, and their ability to bear their existing financial 
burdens ; the nature of the revenue system and the possibility of 
reductions in the expenditure ; also the financial relations between 
India and the United Kingdom, and generally the system of 
Government in India. — {Mr. S. Smith.') 


ENGLAND AND INDIA. 


AMENDMENT TO THE ADDRESS, 

I 

February , 12 th 1895. 

Mr. Naoroji (Finsbury, Central) moved an Amend- 
ment to add the following to the Address : — 

And we humbly pray that Your Majesty will be graciously 
pleased to direct Your Majesty’s Ministers to so adjust the finan- 
cial relations between the United Kingdom and British India, with 
regard to all the expenditure incurred in the employment of Euro- 
peans in the British-Indian Services, Civil and Military, in this 
Country and in India, that some fair and adequate portion of such 
expenditure should be borne by the British Exchequer in propor- 
tion to the pecuniary and political benefits accruing to the United 
Kingdom from Your Gracious Majesty’s sway over India ; and that 
the British Treasury should sustain a fair and equitable portion of 
all expenditure incurred on all military and political operations 
beyond the boundaries of India in which both Indian and British 
interests are jointly concerned. 

Having expressed his regret that generally it was net 
the practice to mention India and to indicate any concern 
for its interests in the Queen’s Speech, he said he was 
ready to acknowledge with gratitude the advantage which 
had ensued to the people of India from British rule. He 
had no desire to minimise those benefits : at the same time 
he did not appeal to that House or to the British nation 
for any form of charity to India, however poverty-stricken 
she is. He based the claims of India, on grounds of justice 
alone. The question was not at all one of a Party character 
and therefore he addressed what he had to say to the 
English people as a whole. He was often supposed to com- 
plain about the European officials personally. It was not 


150 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


so. It was the system which made the officials what they 
were, that he complained about. They were the creatures 
of circumstances. They could only move in the one-sided 
groove in which they were placed by the evil system, 
Further, his remarks applied to British India and not to 
the Native States. It had been sometimes said that he 
resorted to agitation in bringing forward the claims of 
India, but on that point he would only quote a few words 
from Macaulay, who said in one of his speeches — 

I hold that we have owed to agitation a long series of bene- 
ficent reforms which could have been effected in no other way. . . . 
The truth is that agitation is inseparable from popular Govern- 
ment. . . . Would the slave trade ever have been abolished with- 
out an agitation ? Would slavery ever have been abolished without 
agitation ? 

He would add that their slavery would not be abolish- 
ed without agitation and it was well that it should be 
abolished by peaceful agitation, rather than by revolution 
caused by despair. He next proposed to consider the res- 
pective benefits to Britain and India from their connexion. 
From the annual production of India the Government 
took about 700,000,000 rupees for the expenditure of the 
State. The first result of this cost was law and order, the 
greatest blessing that any rule could confer, and Indians 
fully appreciated this benefit of safety from violence to 
life, limb, and property. Admitting this benefit to India, 
was it not equalty or even more vital benefit to the Bri- 
tish in India, and more particularly to the British rule 
itself ? Did not the very existence of every European 
resident in India depend upon this law and order, and so 
also of the British power itself ? The Hindus (and the 
Mahomedans also, the bulk of whom are Hindus by race) 
were, by their nature, in their very blood, by the inherit- 
ance of social and religious institutions of some thousands 


SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 


151 


of years, peaceful and law-abiding. Their division into 
the four great divisions was the foundation of their peace- 
ful nature. One class was devoted to learning. Peace 
was an absolute necessity to them. The fighting and rul- 
ing and protecting business was left to the small second 
class. The third and the largest class — the industrial, the 
agricultural, the trading, and others — depended upon peace 
and order for their work, and the fourth serving class were 
submissive and law-abiding. The virtue of law-abiding 
was a peculiarly and religiously binding duty upon the 
Hindus, and to it does Britain owe much of its present 
peaceful rule over India. It will be Britain’s own fault if 
this character is changed. It was sometimes said that Eng- 
land conquered India with the sword, and would hold it by 
the sword ; but he did not believe this was the sentiment 
of the British people generally. He could not better emp- 
hasise this than in the words of their present great Indian 
General. Lord Roberts had said that : — 

However efficient and well-equipped the Army of India might 
be— were it indeed absolute perfection, and were its numbers con- 
siderably more than at present — our greatest strength must ever 
rest on the firm base of a united and contented people. 

That was the spirit in which he spoke. At present 
India shared far less benefits than justice demanded. Hun- 
dreds of millions of rupees were drawn from, and taken 
out of, the country for the payment of European officials of 
all kinds, without any material equivalent being received 
for it ; capital was thus withdrawn, and the Natives pre" 
vented from accumulating it ; and under the existing 
system a large part of the resources and industries of the 
country was thrown into the hands of British and other 
capitalists. The 300,000,000 or so of rupees which the 
India Office draws every year at present is so much British 


152 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


benefit in a variety of ways. British India was indeed 
British India, and not India’s India. He next examined 
the material or pecuniary benefit derived by Britian and 
India. Out of about 700,000,000 rupees raised annual- 
ly from the annual production of the country, nearly 
200,000,000 rupees were appropriated in pay, pensions* 
and allowances to Europeans in this country and in India. 
This compulsorily obtained benefit to Britain crippled the 
resources of British Indians, who could never make any 
capital and must drag on a poverty-stricken life. Hun- 
dreds and thousands of millions of wealth passed in princi- 
pal and interest thereon from India to Britian. Thousands 
of Europeans found a career and- livelihood in India, to 
the exclusion of the children of the soil, who thus lost 
both their bread and their brains thereby. Not only that. 
This crippled condition naturally threw nearly all the 
requirements of India more or less into British hands, 
which, under the patronage and protection of the British 
officials, monopolised nearly everything. British India 
was, next to officials, more or less for British professionals, 
traders, capitalists, planters, ship-owners, railway holders, 
and so on, the bulk of the Indians having only to serve 
for poor income or wages that they earned. In a way a 
great mass of the Indians were worse off than the slaves 
of the Southern States. The slaves being property were 
taken care of by their masters. Indians may die off 
by millions by want and it is nobody’s concern. The 
slaves worked on their masters’ land and resources, and 
the masters took the profits. Indians have to work on 
their own land and resources, and hand the profits 
to the foreign masters. He offered a simple test. Sup- 
posing that by some vicissitudes of fortune, which he 


SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 


153 


hoped and prayed would never occur, Britain was conquered 
by a foreign people. This was no impossible assumption 
in this world. When Caesar landed in this country no one 
could have dreamt that the savages he met here would in 
time be the masters of the greatest Empire in the world, 
and that the same Rome and Italy, then the masters of 
the world, would in turn become a geographical name only. 
Well, suppose this House was cleared of Englishmen and 
filled with foreigners, or perhaps shut up altogether, all 
power and plans in their hands, eating and carrying away 
much of the wealth of this country year after year, in 
short, Britain reduced to the present condition and system 
of government of India, would the Britons submit to it 
a single day if they could help it? So law-abiding as 
they are, will nob all their law-abiding vanish? No! The 
Briton will not submit ; as he says, “ Britons will never 
be slaves,” and may the } 7 sing so for ever. Now, he 
asked whether, though they would never be slaves, was it 
their mission to make others slaves ? No ; the British 
people’s instincts are averse to that. Their mission is and 
ought to be to raise others to their own level. And it 
was that faith in the instinctive love of justice in the 
British heart and conscience that keeps the Indian so 
loyal and hopeful. There was no doubt an immense 
material benefit to England accruing from the adminis- 
tration of India, but there was no corresponding benefit 
to the Indian people under the present evil system. For 
the sake of argument merely, he would assume that the 
material benefit was equal to the inhabitants of India as 
well as to the British people, and even on that assump- 
tion he contended that the British people were bound for 
the benefit they derived to take their share of the cost of 


154 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


producing that benefit. The position had been correctly 
described by Lord Salisbury, who said : — 

The injury is exaggerated in the ease of India, where so much 
of the Revenue is exported without a direct equivalent. As India 
must be bled, the lancet should be directed to the parts where the 
blood is congested, or at least sufficient, not to those already feeble 
for the want of it. 

That was correct as far as the present British system 
in India was concerned, and “ India must be bled.” The 
result of this was that their Finance Ministers were obliged 
to lament and complain, year after year, of the extreme 
poverty of India, which did not enable them to bring its 
finances into a properly sound condition. The subject 
of the poverty of India embraced many aspects in its cause 
and effects. But this was not the occasion on which 
such a vast subject could be dealt with adequately. It 
was the natural and inevitable result of the evil of foreign 
dominion as it exists in the present system, as predicted 
by Sir John Shore, above a hundred years ago. In order 
to give an idea of the position of India as compared with 
that of England he would point only to one aspect. The 
Secretary of State for India in his speech last year, on 
going into Committee on the Indian Budget, made a very 
important statement. He said : — 

Now as to the Revenue, I think the figures are very instruc- 
tive. Whereas in England the taxation is £2 11s. 8d. per head, in 
Scotland, £2 8s. Id. per head, and in Ireland, £1 12s. 5d. per head, 
the Budget which I shall present to-morrow will show that the 
taxation per head in India is something like 2s. 6d., or one-twentieth 
the taxation of the United Kingdom, and one-thirteenth that of 
Ireland. 

The Member for Flintshire (Mr. S. Smith) then 
asked, “ Does he exclude the Land Revenue ? ” And the 
right hon. gentleman replied : — 

Yes. So far as the taxation of India is concerned, taking the 
rupee at Is. Id,, it is 2s. 6d. per head. 


SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 


155 


The exclusion of Land Revenue was unfair, but this 
was not the time to discuss that point fully. The Land 
Revenue did not rain from heaven. It formed part and 
parcel of the annual wealth from which the State Revenue 
is taken in a variety of different names — call it tax, rent, 
excise, duty, stamps, incorr.e-tax, and sc on. It simply 
meant that so much was taken from the annual production 
for the purposes of Government. The figures taken by 
the right hon. gentleman for the English taxation is also 
the gross Revenue, and similarly must this Indian Revenue 
be taken, except Railway and Navigation Revenue. That 
statement of the right hon. gentleman, if it meant 
anything, meant that the incidence of taxation in India 
was exceedingly light compared with the incidence 
of taxation in England. It was the usual official fiction 
that the incidence of taxation in India was small as 
compared with that of this country. But when they con- 
sidered the incidence of taxation they must consider not 
simply the amount paid in such taxation, but what it was 
compared with the capacity of the person who paid it. 
An elephant might with ease carry a great weight, whilst 
a quarter ounce or a grain of wheat, might be sufficient to 
crush an ant. Taking the capacity of the two countries, 
the annual product or income of England was admitted 
to be something like <£35 per head. If there was a taxa- 
tion of £2 10s. as compared with that it was easy to see 
that the incidence or heaviness was only about 7 per cent 
of the annual wealth. If, on the other hand, they took 
the production of India at the high official estimate of 
27 rupees per head — though he maintained it was only 
20 rupees — even then the percentage, or incidence of taxa- 
tion, was about 10 or 11 per cent., or at 20 rupees the 


156 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJ1. 


incidence was nearly 14 per cent., i.e., nearly double what 
it was in England. To say, therefore, that India was 
lightly taxed was altogether a fiction . The fact was, as 
he stated, that the pressure of taxation in India, according 
to its means of paying, was nearly double that of wealthy 
England, and far more oppressive, as exacted from poverty. 
That was not all. The case for India was worse, and 
that was the fundamental evil of the present system. In 
the United Kingdom, if about <£100,000,000 are raised as 
revenue, every farthing returns to the people themselves. 
But in British India, out of about Bs. 700,000,000 
about Bs. 200, 000, 000 are paid to foreigners — be- 

sides all the other British benefits obtained from the 
wretched produce of Bs 20 per head. Even an ocean 
if it lost some water every day which never returned 
to it, would be dried up in time. Under similar condi- 
tions wealthy England even would be soon reduced to 
poverty. He hoped it would be felt by bon. members 
that India, in that condition, could derive very little bene- 
fit from British administration. He spoke in agony, not 
in indignation, both for the sake of the land of his career 
and for the land of his birth, and he said that if a sys- 
tem of righteousness were introduced into India instead 
of the present evil system, both England and India would 
be blessed, the profit and benefit to England itself would 
be ten times greater than it now was, and the Indian 
people would then regard their government by this coun- 
try as a blessing, instead of being inclined to condemn it. 
England, with India contented, justly treated, and pros- 
perous, may defy half-a-dozen Bussias, and may drive 
■back Bussia to the very gates of St. Petersburg. The 
Indian will then fight as a patriot for his own hearth 


SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 


157 


and home. Punjab alone will be able to provide a 
powerful army. Assuming again, for purpose of argu- 
ment, that their benefit in India was equal to the British 
benefit, then he said that the British must share the cost 
of the expenditure which produced these results, and for 
which both partners profited equally. But in his amend- 
ment he did not ask that even half of the whole cost 
should be borne by the British people, but only for that 
part of the expenditure which was incurred on Euro- 
peans, and that entirely for the sake of British rule. If 
it was not for the necessity of maintaining British rule 
there would be no need to drain India in the manner 
in which it was now- drained by the crushing European 
Services. Lord Roberts, speaking in London, May, 1893 
said : — 

I rejoice to learn that you recognise how indissolubly the 
prosperity of the United Kingdom is bound up with the retention 
of that vast Eastern Empire. 

But if the interests of England and India were in- 
dissolubly bound up, it was only just and proper that 
both should pay for the cost of the benefits they de- 
rived in equal and proper proportions. Lord Kimberley, 
in a speech at the Mansion House, in 1893, said : — 

We are resolutely determined to maintain our supremacy 
over our Indian Empire. . . . that (among other things) 

supremacy rests upon the maintenance of our European Civil Ser- 
vice. . . We rest also upon our magnificent European force 

which we maintain in that country. 

The European Civil Services and European residents 
he contended, were the weakest part in the maintenance 
of their rule in India. Whenever any unfortunate trouble 
did arise, as in 1857, the European Civil Service, and 
Europeans generally, were their greatest difficulty. They 
must be saved, they were in the midst of the greatest 


158 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


danger, and in such circumstances they became their 
greatest weakness. The loyal Indians saved many lives. 
To suppose that their Civil Service, or the British peo- 
ple, could have any other safety than that which arose 
from the satisfaction of India, was to deceive themselves. 
Whatever might be the strength of their military 
force, their true security in the maintenance of their 
rule in India depended entirely on the satisfaction of 
the people. Brute force may make an empire, but brute 
force would not maintain it ; it was moral force and 
justice and righteousness alone that would maintain it. 
If he asked that the whole expenditure incurred on Euro- 
peans should be defrayed from the British Treasury he 
should not be far wrong, but, for the sake of argument, 
he was prepared tc admit that the benefit derived from 
the employment of Europeans was shared equally by 
Europeans and Natives. He therefore asked that at 
least half of the expenditure incurred on Europeans here 
and in India should be paid, from the British Exchequer. 
Indians were sometimes threatened that if they raised the 
question of financial relations, something would have to 
be said about the navy. Apart from a fair share 
for the vessels stationed in India, why should Eng- 
land ask India to defray any other portion of the 
cost of the navy ? The very sense of justice had pro- 
bably prevented any such demand being made. The fame, 
gain, and glory of the navy was all England’s own. There 
was not a single Indian employed in the navy. It was 
said the navy was necessary to protect the Indian com- 
merce. There was not a single ship sailing from or to In- 
dia which belonged to India. The whole of the shipping 
was British, and not only that, but the whole cargo while 


SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 


159 


floating was entirely at the risk of British money. There 
was not an ounce exported from India on which British 
money did not lie through Indian banks. In the same 
way, when goods were exported from England, British 
money was upon them. The whole floating shipping and 
goods was first British risk. Lastly, there is every inch 
of the British navy required for the protection of these 
blessed islands. Every Budget, from either Party, em- 
phasises this fact, that the first line of defence for the 
protection of the United Kingdom alone, demands a navy 
equal to that of any two European Powers. He had 
asked for several returns from the Secretary of 
State. If the right hon. gentleman would give those re- 
turns, the House would be able to judge of the real 
material condition of India ; until those returns were pre- 
sented they would not be in a position to understand 
exactly the real condition of India under the present system. 
He would pass over all the small injustices, in charging 
every possible thing to India, which they would not dare 
to do with the Colonies. India Office buildings, Engineer- 
ing College building, charge for recruiting, while the 
soldiers form part and parcel of the army here ; the 
system of short service occasioning transport expenses, 
and so on, and so on. WLile attending the meeting upon 
the Armenian atrocities, he could not help admiring the 
noble efforts that the English always made for the pro- 
tection of the suffering and oppressed. It is one of the 
noblest traits in the English character. Might he appeal 
to the same British people, who were easily moved to gene- 
rosity and compassion when there was open violence, to 
consider the cause why in India hundreds of thousands of 
people were frequently carried away through famine and 


160 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


drought, and that millions constantly lived on starvation 
fare? Why was it that after a hundred years of admini- 
stration by the most highly paid officials, the people of India 
were not able to pay one-twentieth part of the taxation which 
the United Kingdom paid, or even one-thirteenth which 
poor Ireland paid ? Were the English satisfied with such 
a result? Is it creditable to them? While England’s 
wealth had increased, India’s had decreased. The value 
of the whole production of India was not <£2 per head per 
annum, or, taking into account the present rate of ex- 
change, it was only 20s, The people here spent about <£4 
per head in drink alone, while India’s whole production is 
only a pound or two per head. Such should not be the 
result of a system which was expected to be beneficent. 
He appealed bo the people of this country to ask and con- 
sider this question. If there were famine here food would 
be poured in from the whole world. Why not so in 
India? Why the wretched result that' the bulk of the 
people had no means to pay for food ? Britain has saved 
India from personal violence. Would it not also save mil- 
lions from want and ravages of famine o ving to their 
extreme poverty caused by the evil which Sir J. Shore pre- 
dicted. The late Mr. Bright told his Manchester friends 
that there were two ways of benefiting themselves, the one 
was by plunder, and the other was by trade, and he prefer- 
red the latter mode. At present, England’s trade with In- 
dia was a miserable thing. The British produce sent to all 
India was about worth 2s. per head per annum. If, how- 
ever, India were prosperous, and able to buy, England 
would have no need to complain of duties and the want of 
markets. In India there was a market of 300 millions of 
civilised people. If the wants of those people were provided 


SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 


161 


for, with complete free trade in her own hands and control, 
England would be able to eliminate altogether the word 
“ unemployed ” from her dictionary : in fact, she would 
not be able to supply all that India would want. The 
other day the Chancellor of the Exchequer said that 
where injustice and wrong prevailed, as it did prevail 
in Armenia, a Liberal Government was called upon to 
obtain the co-operation of European powers in order to 
repress the wrong. Might he appeal to the right bon. 
gentleman to give an earnest and generous consideration 
to India? The right hon. gentleman, the member for 
Midlothian made a very grand speech on his birthday 
upon the Armenian question. He appealed to that right 
hon. gentleman, and to all those of the same mind, to 
consider and find out the fundamental causes which make the 
destitution of forty or fifty millions — a figure of official 
admission — and destruction of hundreds of thousands by 
famine, possible, though British India’s resources are 
admitted on all sides to be vast. In the present amend- 
ment his object was *to have that justice of a fair share 
in expenditure to be taken by Britain in proportion to 
her benefits. He asked for no subsidy, but only for 
common justice. By a certain amount of expenditure 
they derived certain benefits ; they were partners, therefore 
let them share equally the benefits and the costs. His 
amendment also had reference to expenditure outside the 
boundaries of India. He maintained that if England 
undertook operations in Burmali, Afghanistan, and in 
other places beyond the borders of India for the protec- 
tion of British rule, she was bound by justice to defray at 
least half the cost. The benefit of these operations was 
tor both Britain and India. The principle was admitted 
11 


162 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


in the case of the last Afghan war, which was certainly not 
a very necessary war, but the Liberal Government defrayed 
a portion of the expenditure. That India should be 
required to pay the cost of all the small wars and aggres- 
sions beyond her boundaries, or political subsidies, was not 
worthy of the British people, when these were all as much 
or more necessary, for their own benefit and rule as for 
the benefit of India. He hoped he was not appealing to 
deaf ears. He knew that when any appeal was made on 
the basis of justice, righteousness, and honour, the English 
people responded to it, and with the perfect faith in the 
English character he believed his appeal would not be in 
vain. The short of the whole matter was, whether the 
people of British India v/ere British citizens or British 
helots. If the former, as he firmly believed to be the 
desire of the British people, then let them have their 
birthright of British rights as well as British responsibili- 
ties. Let them be treated with justice, that, the costs of 
the benefits to both should be shared by both. The un- 
seemly squabble that was now taking place on the question 
of Import Duties between the Lancashire manufacturers 
on the one hand and the British Indian Government on 
the other illustrated the helpless condition of the people of 
India. This was the real position. The Indian Govern- 
ment arbitrarily imposed a burden of a million or so a 
year on the ill-fed Indians as a heartless compensation to 
the well-fed officials, and have gone on adding to expendi- 
ture upon Europeans. They want money, and they adopt 
Lord Salisbury’s advice to bleed where there is blood left, 
and also b} r means of Import Duties tax the subjects of 
the Native States. The Lancashire gentleman object and 
want to apply the lancet to other parts that would not 


SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 


163 


interfere with their interests — and thus the quarrel 
between them. However that is decided, the Indians are 
to be bled. He did not complain of the selfishness of the 
Lancashire people. By all means be selfish, but be intelli- 
gently selfish. Remember what Mr. Bright said — Your 
good can only come through India’s good. Help India to 
be prosperous, and you will help your prosperity. 
Macaulay truly said : — 

It would be a doting wisdom which would keep a hundred 
millions (now more than two hundred millions) of men from being 
our customers in order that they might continue to be our slaves. 

They had no voice as to the expenditure of a single 
farthing in the administration of Indian affairs. The 
British Indian Government could do what they liked. 
There was, of course, an Indian Council ; but when a 
Budget was proposed it had to be accepted. The repre- 
sentatives of the Council could make a few speeches, but 
there the matter ended. The people of India now turned 
to the people of Great Britain, and, relying on the justice 
of their claim, asked that they should contribute their 
fair share in proportion to any benefits w'hic h this country 
might derive from the possession of India. 


Part I. 

INDIA AND LANCASHIRE. 

February, 2\st, 1S95. 

Sir Henry James , a conservative member moved the 
adjournment of the House “ in order to call attention to a 
matter of definite and' urgent public importance — the effect 
of the imposition of duties on cotton goods imported into 
India The motion was warmly debated , and ultimately 
lost , the Government as a, body opposing Sir Henry James . 
Mr. Dadabhai made the following speech on the occasion : — 
At this late hour I shall not occupy the House very 
long, but I will ask hon. gentlemen opposite : Does 

England spend a single farthing in connection with India ? 
Hon. gentlemen say they are maintaining the Empire. It 
is something extraordinary ! For the two hundred years 
they have been connected with India they have not spent 
a single farthing either on the acquisition or the mainte- 
nance of the Empire. However, I will not go into that 
large question. (Hear, hear.) Did I wish to see the Em- 
pire in India endangered, were I a rebel at heart, I should 
welcome this motion with the greatest delight. The great 
danger to the Empire is to adopt methods of irritation, 
which if continued will assuredly bring about disintegra- 
tion. (Hear, hear .) I appeal to the Unionists to vote 
against this motion or they will drive the first nail in the 
coffin of British rule in India. You may, as Lord Roberts 
has told you, have a stronger and larger army in India 
than you have at present ; you may have that army per- 
fection itself ; but your stability rests entirely upon the 
satisfaction of the people. (Hear, hear.) I heard with 


SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 


165 


great satisfaction hon. members on both sides of the House 
recognise this important fact, that after all, the whole safety 
of the British rule depends upon the satisfaction of the 
people, and the justice that may be done towards them. 
Remember whatever you are, you are still like a step-mother 
— children may submit to any amount of oppression from 
their own mother, and will be affectionate towards her, 
but from their step-mother they will always demand the 
strictest justice. (Hear, hear.) You must remember that 
you as an alien people have to rule over a large number of 
people in the Indian Empire, and if you do not consult their 
feelings, you will make a very great mistake. I am quite 
sure that I appeal not in vain to the Unionists, and can 
I appeal to the Home Rulers. (Hear, hear.) If they 
mean Home Rule, they mean that it must be entirely on 
the integrity of the Empire. (Hear, hear.) I have never 
known a motion brought before this House which was 
more separatist than the one before it now. (Hear, hear.) 
I can count upon the votes of Home Rulers. The passing 
of this motion would be the passing of a motion of dis- 
union. Perhaps you may not feel the effect for some time 
but I impress upon this great assembly — that though a 
revolution may not take place to-morrow, it is the accumu- 
lation of many years, of many disappointments, many in- 
attentions, that at last produces a revolution. Do not 
forget 1857. I, for one, desire from the bottom of my 
heart that the British rule and connection with India 
may last for a very long time. (Hear, hear.) They are 
dealing with many millions of people, and I desire and 
hope that India to-morrow will not receive a telegram 
saying that this motion has been passed. The feeling of 
injustice is very strong there. India has its agitators. 


166 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


What were the occupiers of the Treasury Bench ? Did 
they not go up and down the country endeavouring to 
educate the people and to disseminate their own opinions? 
And so does the Opposition and every member. It is by 
peaceful agitation alone that British India is to be pre- 
served, This is not the first occasion that our Lancashire 
friends have tried to force the hands of the Government 
to do certain things adverse to India. They began in 1700. 
But I am not going on this grave occasion to enter into 
any petty quarrel with them. ( Hear , hear.) This I will 
say, British India is too poor to buy Manchester goods. 
People talked of the enormous Manchester trade. 
There was no such enormous trade, unless 15s. Qd. per 
head per annum was an enormous trade. I appeal to all 
parties not to let this motion pass. ( Hear , hear.) I appeal 
to you not to let a telegram go forth to India, saying that 
it has been passed. It will have a very bad effect there. 
You have your remedy in the assurance of the Secretary 
of India, that if you can point out how to remove the 
the alleged protective character of these duties, he wil da 
it. You are bound to be satisfied with that assurance. I 
again earnestly hope that the motion will not be allowed 
to pass. (Hear, hear.) 


Part II. 


MISCELLANEOUS SPEECHES & ADDRESSES. 
RETIREMENT OF LORD RIPON. 

. » «g — * 

The following speech was delivered before the public meet- 
ing of the native inhabitants of Bombay in honour of Lord 
Ripon, on his retirement from the Viceroyalty , convened by, 
the Sheriff in the Town Hall , on Saturday, the 29th Novem- 
ber, , 188 Jf. The Hon 7 hie Sir Jamsetjee Jeejeebhoy , Bart f 
C. S. /., in the Chair. 

Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji, who was received with loud 
and prolonged cheers, in supporting the Resolution, * 
said : — Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, — All India from 
one end to the other proclaims the righteousness and 
good deeds of Lord Ripon. There are not many per- 
sons among the thousands that have assembled here, or 
among the hundreds of thousands of this city or 
among the millions of this Presidency, who have 
not his great services by heart. (Cheers.) It will 
be useless for me to waste any time in a reitera- 
tion of them. I shall touch upon what strikes me as the 
brightest stars in the whole galaxy of his deeds. The 
greatest questions of the Indian problem to my mind at 

* That this meeting, representing the various native com- 
munities of Western India, desires to place on record the deep 
sense of gratitude entertained by them for the eminent services 
to India rendered by the Marquis of Ripon during his admininis- 
tration as Viceroy of India. 


168 


RETIREMENT OF LORD RIPON. 


present are, our material and moral loss, and our politi- 
cal education for self-government. For the former, the 
first great achievement of the Ripon Government is a 
courageous and candid acknowledgment that the material 
and educational condition of India is that of extreme 
poverty. After this bold and righteous recognition, England 
will feel bound to remedy this great evil. (Cheers.) Lord 
Ripon’s Government has, however, not remained satisfied 
with their acknowledgment, but has laid the foundation of 
the remedy by resolving that Indian energy, Indian resour- 
ces, and Indian agency must be developed in every way 
and in all departments with broad and equal justice to all. 
For the second — our political education — nothing can be 
a more conclusive proof of the success of his measures in 
that direction than the sight of the great and national 
political upheaving in the ovation that is now 

being poured upon him throughout the length and 
breadth of India. And we ourselves are here to- 
day as the proof of the success of our political 

education. (Cheers) We are to propose a memorial to 
Lord Ripon. But what will hundred such memorials be 
to the great monuments he has himself raised to himself? 
As self-government, and self-administration and edu- 
cation advanced, for which all he has raised great new 
landmarks, his memory shall exist at every moment of 
India’s life, and they will be the everlasting monuments, 
before which all our memorials will sink into utter in- 
significance. It was asked in St. Paul where Wren’s 
monument was. This, St. Paul itself, was his monument, 
was the reply. What is Ripon’s monument ? It will be 
answered India itself — a, self-governing and prosperous 
nation and loyal to the British throne. Canning was 


MISCELLANEOUS SPEECHES AND ADDRESSES. 169 


Pandy Canning, he is now the Canning the Just, of the 
British historian. The native historian with admiration 
and gratitude, and the English historian, with pride and 
pleasure, will point to Ripon, as Ripon the Righteous, 
the maker and benefactor of a nation of hundreds of 
millions. ( Loud cheers.) But by far the great service 
that Ripon has done, is to England and Englishmen. He 
has raised the name and glory of England and the 
Englishmen, and rivetted India’s loyalty to the British 
rule. Deep and unshakeable as my faith is in the 
English character for fairness and desire to do 
good to India, I must confess during my humble 
efforts in Indian politics, I was sometimes driven 
to despair, and to doubt my faith. But Ripon has com- 
pletely restored it to its full intensity, that England’s 
conscience is right and England will do its duty and per- 
form its great mission in India, when she has such sons, 
so pure of heart and high in statesmanship. [Cheers.) I 
pray that our Sovereign give us always Viceroys like 
Ripon. The good deeds of Ripon are sung all over the 
land by all from the prince to the peasant. I am informed 
that addresses will flow from the poor aggriculturists 
when Lord Ripon arrives here, arid I have the pleasure of 
reading to you a letter to me from a prince. This is 
what H. H. the Thakore Saheb Bhagvatsingjee of Gondal 
says: — “I am happy to note that a movement is being 
set on foot in Bombay to perpetuate the memory of the 
retiring Viceroy, Lord Ripon. He has strong hold on the 
loyalty and affection of our people, with whose vital in- 
terests he has identified himself. So the movement of 
which you are a promoter has my best sympathies. Asa 
slight tribute of my admiration for the noble Lord Ripon, 


170 


RETIREMENT OF LORD RIPON. 


I beg to subscribe Rs. 3,000 to the Ripon Memorial 
Fund.” (Cheers.) For the sentiments of his Highness the 
Jam Saheb Vibhajee of Jamnuggur, you can judge best 
when I tell you that he with his Kuvar Jasvatsingjee has 
subscribed Rs. 10,000 to the Ripon Memorial. The Tha- 
kore Sahebs of Rajkote and Katosan have also subscribed. 
My friend Mr. Hurkissondas has just this moment received 
a telegram from H. H. The Thakore Saheb of Limree, the 
Hon. Jesvatsinghjee, subscribing Rs. 5,000 to the Ripon 
Memorial. A deputation from the great meeting of Shola- 
pore, which was presided over by Mr. Satyendranath Ta- 
jore, has attended here. Also another deputation from 
Khandesh. Well, gentlemen, these two months will be 
an epoch and a bright page in Indian history, and we shall 
be for ever proud that we had the good fortune to have 
had a share in honouring the great name of Ripon. ( Loud 
and prolonged eheers.) 


III. 

THE FAWCETT MEMORIAL MEETING- 

— — 

The following speech was delivered befor the public meet- 
ings of the inhabitants of Bombay , held in the Town Hall, 
on the 2nd September , 1885, convened by the Bombay 
Presidency Association for the purpose of taking steps to 
raise a memorial to the late Professor Fawcett. His Ex- 
cellency Lord Reay, Governor of Bombay , in the Chair. 

Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji, who was greeted with loud 
and prolonged cheers, said : — Your Excellency, Ladies and 
Gentlemen, — I beg to propose that a committee be formed 
to take necessary steps for collecting funds for the 
memorial, and for deciding what form the memorial should 
take, Mr. P. M. Mehta, the Hon’ble K. T. Telang, Messrs. 
D. E. Wacha, It. M. Sayani, and Yundrawandas Pur- 
shotumdas acting as honorary secretaries to the fund. I 
take this proposition in hand with more grief than delight. 
1 knew Professor Fawcett personally, and I know what 
loss we have suffered. There is a great deal that is always 
made public and appreciated by the public as far as it is 
known, but there is a great deal that is done by good men 
which never sets the light of publication, and which 
consequently is never appreciated. I give my personal 
experience of the worth of this great man, which will show 
you that, whereas in a public way he has done a great 
deal of good, he has also privately and behind the scenes 
been proved as useful a friend of India as ever any man 
has been. To give my own personal reminiscences of one or 
two incidents, I can tell you that when I appeared before 


172 


RETIREMENT OF LORD RIPON. 


the Finance Committee in England in 1873, I had per- 
haps the rashness of writing a letter beforehand of what 
I wanted to give my evidence upon. What I said there, 
somehow or other, did not suit Mr. Ayrton, the 
chairman of the committee, and he hindered and 

hampered me in every way. Before I went to 
the committee I saw Mr. Fawcett, who was always sympa- 
thising with us, and I laid before him the notes which I 
wanted to submit to the committee. He considered them 
very carefully and told me that that was the very thing 
that ought to be brought to the committee. But, strange 
to say, that when I went before the committee Mr. Ayrton 
chose to decide that that was just the thing that was not 
to be brought before the committee. On the first day I 
was hardly able to give evidence of what I wanted to say. 
But the next day, when it came to Mr. Fawcett’s turn to 
examine me, in a series of judicious and pointed questions, 
he brought out all that [ had to say in a brief and clear 
manner. You will see from this that although such little 
incidents scarcely become public, they are in themselves not 
without their value. He did, in fact, an invaluable service 
in enabling a native of India to say all that he wanted to 
say, whether it was right or wrong. Here is an instance 
of the justice and fearlessness with which he wanted to 
treat this country. {Cheers.) Fancy a noble commanding 
figure standing on the floor of the House of Commons res- 
pectfully listened to by the whole House, pleading the 
cause of hundreds of millions of people whom he had not 
seen, pleading as effectively as any of India’s own sons 
could ever do {cheers), holding like unto the blind deity of 
justice the scales in his hands even between friends and 
foes in small matters and in great. {Loud cheers.) That is 


THE FAWCETT MEMORIAL MEETING. 


17a 


the blind man we have assembled to-day to honour. You 
can easily perceive how many a time, as I saw him 
pleading our cause, 1 felt a sort of awe and venera- 
tion as for a superior being. (Cheers.) In his 

speeches he never stooped to catch a momentary 
applause, but he always spoke in sober language words of 
wisdom — words that sprang from his inner conviction — 
that in their turn carried conviction to every one around 
him. (Cheers.) We are told that where good men stand 
the ground becomes holy. Here his influence and his 
words reach and permeate the whole atmosphere, and 
whoever breathes the atmosphere catches something of 
that goodness and that sincerity towards nature and God. 
He was one of those men who not only in the senate stood 
firm and bold and dealt out even justice to friend and foe 
alike, but on the stumping platform too he was the same 
considerate man, who never uttered a word to sink into 
the vulgar crowd, but always tried to raise them to a 
level higher and better than they were before he spoke. 
He himself, we know, had grappled the subject of Indian 
problems with perfect clearness and in all their details. He 
learned from Anglo-Indians, but he subsequently became 
the teacher of all Anglo-Indians. He told them that the 
time was coming when the policy of the British adminis- 
tration should be entirely changed, that the way 
in which British India was governed was not the 
way in which it was fit to be governed by a 
nation of Englishmen. He understood and always 
declared that he belonged to a nation to whom 
India was confided in the providence of God for their care 
and help. He felt himself to be one of that nation, and 
he felt the instinct of Englishmen to do that only which 


174 


RETIREMENT OF LORD RIPON. 


was just and right, and to receive the glory derived from 
the advancemtnt of civilization and by the raising of man- 
kind instead of trampling them down under foot. He 
felt that duty as an Englishman, and he earnestly and 
devotedly performed that duty as far as one man of abili- 
ty and earnestness could ever do. ( Cheers .) We are now 
threatened with a permanent addition to the expenditure 
of some two millions. Do those statesmen who make such 
a proposal at all think of what they are about ? Fawcett’s 
voice from the grave now rises once again, and we are 
reminded of his words in connection with the Licence 
Tax. He said that if such an odious and unjust tax had 
been imposed, it was because no better one could be subs- 
tituted in its place, and he further stated that when the 
time came for them to impose another tax, the Govern- 
ment would be reduced to great straits, and they would 
have to impose a tax as must end in disaster and serious 
peril. (Cheers.) The statesmen who are now thinking of 
imposing the additional burden of expenditure must bear 
in mind the words of this great man, ponder over them, 
and carefully consider how far they can impose further 
burdens on the extremely poor people of India. (Cheers.) 
When I say the people are extremely poor, the words are 
not mine, but those of Mr. Fawcett and many other emi- 
nent statesmen. I do not want to detain the audience any 
longer, but I will only say the man is dead, but his words 
will remain ; and 1 only hope that he will inspire others to 
follow in his footsteps and to earn the blessings of hun- 
dreds of millions of the people of this country. (Loud 
and 'prolonged cheers.) 


IV 

INDIA’S INTEREST IN THE GENERAL ELECTION- 

(1886.) 

The following speech was delivered before a meeting of 
the members of the Bombay Presidency Association , held in 
the rooms of the Association on Tuesday evening , the 2§th 
September , 1885. Mr. (now Sir) Dinsha Maneckji Petit in 
the Chair . 

The Hon. Dadabhai Naorcji proposed: — “That the 
following candidates, on account of their services and 
opinions publicly expressed by them on Indian questions, 
are deserving of the support of the Indian people: — The 
Right Honourable Mr. John Bright, the Marquis of 
Hartington, Mr. J. Slagg, Sir J. Phear, Mr. L. Ghose, 
Mr. W. Digby, Mr. W. S. Blunt, Mr. S. Keay, Mr. 
S. Laing, Captain Verney, and Mr. W. C. Plowden, That 
th’e views regarding Indian questions publicly expressed 
by the following candidates cannot be approved by the 
people of India, and these candidates cannot be accepted 
as representing Indian interests : — Sir Richard Temple, 
Mr. J. M. Maclean, Mr. A. S. Ayrton, Sir Lewis Pell} 7 , 
and Sir Roper Lethbridge.” He said : — I speak to the 
motion which is placed in my hands with a deep sense 
of its importance. Hitherto it has been, and it will 
be so generally, that the English people can mostly derive 
their information about India from Anglo-Indians, 
official and non-official, but chiefly from the former. But 
there are Anglo-Indians and Anglo-Indians. Some, but 
their number is small, have used their eyes rightly, have 


176 


RETIREMENT OF LORD RIPON. 


looked beyond the narrow circle of their own office, have 
sympathised with the natives, and tried to understand 
them and to find out their true wants and aspirations. 
Unfortunately the larger number of Anglo-Indians do not 
take such wide views, or such interest in the natives as 
would enable them to judge rightly of the actual condi- 
tion of India. Now, when we consider of what extreme 
importance it is to us that the people of England should 
have correct information of our condition and wants ; bow 
almost entirely we have to depend upon the people and 
Parliament of England to make those great reforms which 
alone can remove the serious evils from which we are 
suffering, it is no ordinary necessity for us 

that we should take some steps, by which we 

may inform the great British public, on which sources 
of information they could rely with any confidence. As 
I have said, the number of those who have the necessary 
true experience and interest in the natives is very small. 
It is extremely necessary that such should be pointed out 
by us. We also find that several Englishmen visiting 
India, as impartial observers, without any bias or prejudi- 
ces, have often formed a more correct estimate of the posi- 
tion and necesssities of India than many an Anglo-Indian 
of the so-called experience of twenty or thirty years. Even 
some, who have not been here at all, form fair and just 
estimates. It is not always that we can approach the Bri- 
tish people in a way so as to secure the general attention 
of the whole nation at the same time. The present occa- 
sion of the new elections is one of those rare occasions in 
which we can appeal to the whole nation, and especially 
in a way most useful for our purpose. It is in Parliament 
that our chief battles have to be fought. The election of 


India’s interest in the general election. (1886.) 177 


its members, especially those who profess to speak 012 
Indian matters, requires our earnest attention, and we 
should point out clearly to the electors, which of those 
candidates, who make India a plank in their credentials,, 
have our confidence. We do not at all intend to influence 
the electors in any way in matters of their choice of the 
representatives that suit them best for their local politics. 
What we desire to impress upon them is, that so far as the 
important element of the deliberations on Indian questions 
is concerned, we desire to name those candidates who are 
deserving of our confidence and support, and on whom we 
can rely as would fairly and righteously represent our real 
wants and just rights before Parliament. It is with this 
object that I ask you to adopt the resolution before you. 
The first name in our resolution is the bright name of the 
Right Honourable Mr. John Bright. Now, I do not cer- 
tainly presume that I can say anything, or that our asso- 
ciation can do anything that can in the least add to the 
high position Mr. Bright occupies. What I say, therefore, 
is not with any view that we give any support to him, 
but as an expression of our esteem and admiration, and 
of our gratitude for the warm and righteous interest he 
has evinced on our behalf. I would not certainly take up 
your time in telling you what he is and what he has 
done. His fame and name are familiar to the wide world. 

I may simply refer to a few matters concerning our- 
selves. Our great charter is the gracious Proclamation 
of the Queen. That proclamation is the very test by, 
which we test friends or foes ; and it is Mr. Bright, who 
first proposed and urged the duty and necessity of issuing, 
such a proclamation, at a time when the hea,ds of many 
were bewildered and lost, in his speech on the India Bill 
12 


178 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


in 1858. I should not tarry long on the tempting subject, 
for, if I went on quoting from Mr. Bright’s speeches, 
to show what he has done more than a quarter of a 
century ago, asking for us what we have been only 
latterly beginning to give utterance to, I might detain 
you for hours. I must, however, give you a few short 
extracts, showing both the earnestness and the intense 
sense of justice of the man. “The people of India,” he 
said, “ have the highest and strongest claims upon you — 
claims which you cannot forget — claims which if you do 
not act upon, you may rely upon it that, if there be a 
judgment for nations — as I believe there is, as for in- 
dividuals — our children in no distant generation must 
pay the penalty which we have purchased by neglecting 
our duty to the populations of India.” In his speech of 
1853, on the occasion of the renewal of the E. I. Com- 
pany’s charter, referring to the miserable condition of 
the masses of India, he said : — “ I must say that it is 
my belief that if a country be found possessing a most 
fertile soil and capable of bearing every variety of pro- 
duction, and that notwithstanding, the people are in a 
state of extreme destitution and suffering, the chances 
are that there is some fundamental error in the govern- 
ment of that country.” When, may I ask, will our 
rulers see this “ fundamental error ?” I have purposely 
confined myself to his older utterances sc far, that we 
may fully appreciate the righteous advocacy at a time 
when our own voice was feeble and hardly heard at all. 
You will allow me to make one reference to his later 
words, and you will see how he is yet the same man 
and the same friend of India. In his “ Public Letters,” 
in a letter written by him last year to a gentleman at 


INDIA’S INTEREST IN THE GENERAL ELECTION. (1886.) 179 


'Calcutta, he says : — “ It is to me a great mystery that 
England should be in the position she now is in rela- 
tion to India. 1 hope it may be within the ordering 
of Providence that ultimately good may arise from it. 

I am convinced that this can only come from the most 
just Government which we are able to confer upon 
your countless millions, and it will always be a duty and 
a pleasure to me to help forward any measure that may 
tend to the well-being of your people.” The Marquis of 
Hartington also occupies a position to which we can 
hardly add anything. But as we have during his State 
Secretaryship of India observed his disposition towards 
a due appreciation of and fulfilment of the noble princi- 
ples of the Proclamation, and his emphatic identifying 
himself with the righteous Ripon policy at a time of 
crucial trial — during the excitement of the Ilbert Bill — 
we cannot but take this opportunity of expressing our 
thanks and our confidence in him. To assure you the 
more fully of this duty upon us, you will permit me to 
read a few words on this very topic from his speech of 
23rd August, 1883. After pointing out the insufficiency 
of the administration, and the inability cf India to afford 
more for it, he said : — “ If the country is to be better 
governed, that can only be done by the employment of 
the best and most intelligent of the natives in the service. 
There is a further reason, in my opinion, why this 
policy should be adopted, and that is, that it is not wise 
to educate the people of India, to introduce among them, 
your civilization and your progress and your literature, 
and at the same time to tell them, they shall never have 
any chance of taking any part or share in the admin- 
istration of the .affairs - of their country except by their 


180 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


getting rid, in the first instance, of their European rulers. 

I cannot refrain myself from expressing my deep regret 
that we are not able to include in our present list a name 
that stands pre-eminently high as one of our best friends 
— L mean Mr. Fawcett. But I trust you will allow me 
to give a few short extracts, as a warning and a voice 
from the grave, of one who had the welfare of the poor 
and dumb millions at heart. Though he is dead his spirit 
may guide our other friends, and our rulers. 1 give 
these extracts as specially bearing on the present disas- 
trous move of imposing a permanent additional annual 
burden of some two to three erores of rupees upon us, 
and on the whole India,n problem. With reference to 
the Afghan policy he said in 1879 : — “ It cannot be too 
strongly insisted upon that in the existing financial 
condition of India, no peril can be more serious than the 
adoption of a policy, which, if it should lead to a large- 
additional expenditure, would sooner or later necessitate 
an increase of taxation. . . The additional taxa- 

tion which must be the inevitable accompaniment of 
increased expenditure will bring upon India the gravest 
perils.” Again — The question, however, as to the exact 
proportion in which the cost of pursuing a forward policy 
in Afghanistan should be borne by England and India 
respectively will have again to be considered anew, now 
that it has become necessary to renew hostilities in 
Afghanistan.” These words apply with equal force to- 
day when we are threatened with a large unnecessary 
additional burden. On the subject of the whole Indian 
problem, he said : — “ Although there is much in the 
present financial condition of India to cause the most 
erious apprehension, yet there is one circumstance 


India’s interest in the general election. (1886.) 181 


connected with it which may fairly be regarded as a most 
hopeful omen for the future. Until quite lately, India 
was looked upon as an extremely wealthy country, and 
there was no project, however costly, that India was not 
supposed to be rich enough to pay for. Now, however, 
juster ideas of the resources of the country and of the 
condition of the people prevail. The recurrence of 
famines. . . . have at length led the English public 

to take firm hold of the fact that India is an extremely 
poor country, and that the great mass of her people are 
in such a state of impoverishment that the Government 
will have to contend with exceptional difficulties if it 
becomes necessary to procure increased revenue by addi- 
tional taxation.” “ Without an hour’s delay the fact 
should be recognized that India is not in a position to 
pay for various services at their present rate of remunera- 
tion. A most important saving might be effected by 
more lar gel }>■ employing natives in positions which are 

■now filled by highly paid Europeans, and from such a. 
change political as well as financial advantages would 
result.” “ The entire system in which the Government 
of India is conducted must be changed. The illusion is 
•only just beginning to pass away that India is an ex- 
tremely wealthy country.” “ The financial condition of 
India is one of such extreme peril that economy is not 
■only desirable but is a matter of imperative necessity.” 
“ No misfortune which could happen to India could be 
greater than having to make her people bear the burden 
of increased taxation.” “ In order to restore the finances 
of India and prevent them drifting into hopeless em- 
barrassment, it is absolutely essential that the policy of 
* rigid economy in every branch of the public service ’ 


182 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOBOJI. 


which has been recently announced by the Government' 
should be carried out with promptitude and thoroughness. ,r 
This policy was announced by the Conservative Govern- 
ment and now all this is forgotten and the Conservative 
Government are proposing to burden us with additional 
expenditure of two or three millions, or may be more T 
We cannot too strongly protest against this. In all the 
extracts I have read you will perceive the kind of policy 
which our friends have urged, and this test, or as I may 
shortly call, the Royal Proclamation policy, is the 
principal one by which we may discriminate friends from 
those who either from ignorance or narrow-minded 
selfishness advocate a different policy. Judging by this 
test, 1 may say that all the other names in the first part 
of the resolution are fairly entitled to our confidence and 
to an appeal from us to the constituencies to return them 
to Parliament as far as our interests are concerned.. 
Their writings show that they have a good grasp of our 
position and wants. I may refer to Mr. Slagg’s views- 
and efforts to abolish the India Council. Nothing can 
be more absurd than that in the nineteenth Century and 
in England itself, the first home of public and free dis- 
cussion upon all public matters, there should exist a body 
to deliberate secretly upon the destinies of a sixth of the 
human race ! It is an utter anachronism. Mr. Slag^’s- 
laudable and persistent efforts to get an inquiry into the 
Government of India promises to be successful. Messrs. 
Slagg, Digby, Keay, Blunt, and Yernev’s writings show 
that they understand us and have done us good service- 
About Mr. Lai Mohun Ghose I need not say more than 
that he is the only one through whom the Indians will 
now have a chance of speaking for themselves. I : have 


INDIA’S INTEREST IN THE GENERAL 1 LECTION. (1886.) 183 


every hope that he will do justice to himself, and fulfil 
the expectations whicii India has rested on him by honest 
and hard work for the welfare of his country. We must 
feel very thankful to the electors of Greenwich for giving 
him such welcome and sympathy as they have done. 
They have shown remarkable lib*rality 7 , vindicated the 
English spirit of justice and philanthropy, have held out 
a hand to us of equal citizenship, and nobly confirmed the 
sincerity of the Royal Proclamation, by their action as a 
part of the English nation. Mr. Laing has, I am afraid, 
some incorrect notions about the balance of the trade of 
India, but we know that he understands India well and 
will continue to be useful in promoting our welfare. 
Sir John Phear and Mr. Plowden are known to us 
for their sympathies with us. Sir John Phear’s book 
“ The Aryan Village,” shows much sympathetic 
study of the country and its institutions, and he 
proved our friend at the time of the Ilbert 
Bill. He said “ We have a higher duty to India than 
to consult the prejudices of this kind of a few thousands 
of our own countrymen, who are there to-day, but may be 
gone to-morrow. We have to govern that vast empire in 
the interest of the millions who constitute the indigenous 
population of the country.” Mr. Plowden says, with refer- 
ence to Lord Ripon’s policy 7 : — “ I know it to be just, I 
know it also to be honest and earnest, I believe it to be 
sound and thoroughly practical.” I next come to our second 
list. As I have already 7 said, we do not ask the constituen- 
cies not to return them if they are suitable to them on other 
grounds. We only ask that whatever weight the electors 
may give to their other qualifications, they would not take 
them as fair exponents or trustworthy interpreters of India’s 


184 SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 

wants and just wishes, and as favouring us by electing 
them. With regard to Sir R. Temple I need say nothing 
more than that he endeavours to produce the wrong and 
mischievous impression upon the minds of the English people 
that India is prosperous and increasing in prosperity, 
in the teeth of the early and latest testimony of eminent 
men and in the teeth of facts. Mr. Fawcett told that the 
illusion was passing away, while Sir Richard keeps It up l 
I do not advert to some of his acts in India, such as the 
strange contrast of 2 lbs. rations in Bengal and the disas- 
trous 1 lb. ration famine policy here, probably to please 
higher authorities — his high-handedness, his treatment of 
the local funds, &c., &c. I confine myself to an utterance 
or two of his after leaving India. It is strange that a 
quarter of a century ago Mr. Richard Temple was able to 
take and express a remarkably intelligent view of the 
Indian problem. In connection with the Punjab he ex- 
pounded the causes of Punjab’s poverty and revival in his 
report of 1859 in these significant and clear words : — “ In 
former reports it was explained how the circumstance of 
so much money going out of the Punjab contributed to 
depress the agriculturist. The native regular army was 
Hindustani, to them was a large share of the Punjab reve- 
nue disbursed, of which a part only they spent on the 
spot and a part was remitted to their homes. Thus it was 
that year after year, lakhs and lakhs were drained from 
the Punjab, and enriched Oudh. But within the last year 
the native army being Punjabee, all such sums have been 
paid to them, and have been spent at home. Again, many 
thousands of Punjabee soldiers are serving abroad. These 
men not only remit their savings, but also have sent quan- 
tities of prize property and plunder, the spoils of Hindus- 


•INDIA’S INTEREST IN THE GENERAL ELECTION. (1886.) 185 


tan, to their native villages. The effect of all this is already 
perceptible in an increase of agricultural capital, a freer 
circulation of money and a fresh impetus to cultivation.” 
Now, gentlemen, am 1 not justified in saying that it is 
strange that what Mr. Richard Temple of twenty -five years 
past saw so intelligently, about Punjab, Sir Richard Tem- 
ple of the present day does not or would not see about 
India, whence, not merely “ lakhs and lakhs ” but hun- 
dreds and hundreds of lakhs — thirty hundred or so lakhs 
are drained to England. He cannot, it appears, now grasp 
the problem of India as he did that of the Punjab. I can- 
not undertake to explain this phenomenon. What may 
be the reason or object ? He alone can explain. As he is 
presently doing mischief by posing as a friend, I can only 
say “ save us from such a friend.” We cannot but speak 
out, however unwillingly, that Sir Richard Temple is not 
a safe and correct guide for the people of England for 
India’s wants and wishes. While Bright in ’53, Lawrence 
in ’64 and ’73, Fawcett in ’79, the London Pvnch's grand 
cartoon of Disillusion in ’79 pourtraying the wretched 
Indian woman and children, with the shorn pagoda tree 
over their heads, begging alms of John Bull, Hunter in ’80, 
Baring in ’82, deplore the impoverishment of the masses 
of India, Sir Richard in a fine phrenzv talks in ’85 “ of 
their homes becoming happier, their acres broader, their 
harvest; richer.” “ India is prospering, that there is no 
lack of subsistence, no shrinkage of occupation, no discon- 
tent with the wages at home, and in consequence no search- 
ing for wages abroad.” And yet some light-hearted peo- 
ple coolly talk of sending him as a Viceroy 
here! No greater misfortune could befall to India ! 
About Mr. Maclean I need not say much as you are all 


186 SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


well aware, that he has been throughout his whole career 
in India a thorough partisan and an avowed and deter- 
mined anti-native, with a few rare intervals of fairness. 
He can never be a fair and trustworthy interpreter of 
our views and wishes. He off-handedly says in his letter 
in the Bombay Gazette of 9th June last: “Mr. Slagg 

recited the usual rubbish about the deplorable poverty 
and overtaxation of the Indian people.” So you see,, 
gentlemen, who Mr. Maclean is. He is a great man 
before whom the views of such persons as Bright, Fawcett, 
Lawrence, the Punch , and Baring are all mere rubbish 1 
Mr. Ayrton’s whole policy can be summed up in a few 
words—trent natives gently, but give them no posts of 
power or responsibility, have no legislative councils with 
non-official element, and if ) 7 ou have, put no natives in 
them. He says: — “The power of governing must re- 
main, as it had hitherto been, solely and exclusively in 
the hands of British subjects going out of this country.” 
“ Why were we to teach the natives, what they had failed 
in discovering for themselves, that they would one day 
be a great nation.” This un-English narrow-mindedness 
and purblindness is the worst thing that can happen to 
England and India both, and according to it all that the 
best and highest English statesmen, and even our 
Sovereign have promised and said about high duty, 
justice, policy, &c., must become so many empty words,, 
hollow promises, and all sham and delusion. My personal 
relations with Sir L. Pelly at Baroda were, as you know,, 
friendly, but the reason of his name appearing in this list 
is that he was an instrument of Lord Lytton’s Afghan 
policy, and that as far as his views may have coincided 
with the: Lytton policy, he cannot fairly represent otir 


India’s interest in the general election. ( 1886 .) 187 


views against that policy. About Sir Roper Lethbridge^ 
I was under the impression that when he was Press 
Commissioner, he was regarded as one sympathising with 
the natives. But when the day of the crucial trial came,, 
the Ilberb Bill and the Ripon policy, he was then found 
out that his views were anything but what would be just,, 
fair and sympathising towards the natives of India. In 
addition to the names I have mentioned, I am required to- 
mention Sir James Fergusson, and I cannot but agree to 
do so though with some reluctance. I .have personally 
much respect for him, and I do not forget that he has 
done some good. In the matter of the native princes he 
enunciated a correct principle some eighteen years ago 
when he was Under-Secretary of State for India. Presid- 
ing at a meeting of the East India Association, 1867, he 
said : — “ It is earnestly to be hoped that the princes of 
India look upon the engagements of the British Queen as 
irrevocable, ” and I believe he consistently carried out this 
principle when here with the princes of this Presidency. 
We cannot also forget that when acting upon his own 
instincts he did good in matters of education and social 
intercourse, and nominated to the Legislative Council 
our friends the Hon. Bu.lroodeen and the Hon. Telang 
as representati ves , of the educated class, retaining also the 
Hon. Mundlik. You can easily conceive then my reluc- 
tance to speak against him, notwithstanding some mis- 
takes and failures in his administration as Governor 
under official misguidance. But when I see that after 
his arrival in England he has made statements so incor- 
rect and mischievous in results, in some matters mos{j 
vital to India, it is incumbent upon us to say that he 
does not know the true state of India. Fancy, gentlemen,. 


188 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


my regret and surprise when I read these words from the 
latest Governor of Bombay : — “ At the present time her 
(India’s) people were not heavily taxed, and it was a great 
mistake to suppose that they were.” This is a matter of 
easy ascertainment, and the heaviness of taxation is re- 
peated by acknowledged eminent men. Here are a few 
figures which will tell their own tale. The income of the 
United Kingdom may be roughly taken at <£1,200,000,000 
and its gross revenue about £87,000,000, giving a propor- 
tion of about 7^ per cent, of the income. Of British India the 
income is hardly £400,000,000 and its gross revenue about 
£70,000,000 giving 17| per cent, of the income, and yet 
Sir James tells the English people that the people of 
India are not heavily taxed, though paying out of this 
wretched income, a gross revenue of more than double 
the proportion of what the people of the enormously rich 
England pay for their gross revenue. Contrast with 
Sir James’s statement the picture which Mr. Fawcett 
gives in his paper in the Nineteenth Century , of October, 
1879 : — “ If a comparison is made between the financial 
resources of England and India, it will be found almost 
impossible to convey an adequate idea of the poverty of 
the latter country * * and consequently it is found that 
'taxation in India has reached almost its extreme limits .” 
Again he says : “ It is particularly worthy of remark 

that the Viceroy and Secretary of State now unreservedly 
accept the conclusion that the limit of taxation has been 
reached in India , and that it has consequently become im- 
peratively necessary that expenditure should be reduced.” 
(The italics are mine.) Now, gentlemen, mark this parti- 
cularly. When in 1879 the Conservative Viceroy and 
Secretary of State had* as Mr. Fawcett says, unreservedly 


INDIA’S INTEREST IN THE GENERAL ELECTION. (1886.) 189 


accepted that the limit of taxation had been reached in 
India, the gross revenue was only <£65,000,000 while the 
budgetted revenue of the present year is already <£72,000, 
000, and we are now threatened by the same Government 
with an addition of £2,000,000 or £3,000,000 more perma- 
nently. This is terrible. Change the entire system as Mr. 
Fawcett says, substitute for the present destructive 
foreign agency, the constructive and conservative native 
agency, except for the higher posts of povver, and you 
can have a hundred millions or two hundred millions 
with ease for purposes of government or taxation. This 
is the difference between Fawcett and Fergusson. Both 
are gentlemen, but the former speaks from careful hard 
study, the latter without it. Mischievous as such state- 
ments grenerally are, they are still more so v/hen deli- 
vered before a Manchester audience, who unfortunately 
yet do not understand their own true interests, and the 
interests of the English workmen. They do not under- 
stand yet that their greatest interest is in increasing the 
ability of the Indians to buy their manufactures. That 
if India were able to buy a pound worth of their cotton 
manufactures per head per annum, that would give them 
a trade of £250,000,000 a year instead of the present 
poor imports into India of £25,000,000 of cotton yarn 
and manufactures from all foreign countries of the world. 
Sir James, I think, has made another statement that all 
offices in India are occupied by the natives except the 
highest. I am not able to put my hand just now upon 
the place where I read it. But if my impression be cor- 
rect, I would not waste words and your time to animadvert 
upon such an extraordinary incorrect statement, so utterly 
contrary to notorious facts. Why, it is the head and 


190 


SPEECHES OF DADABPIAI NAOROJI. 

front, the very soul of ali our evils and grievances that 
the statement is not the fact or reality as it ought to 
be. This is the very thing which will put an end to all 
our troubles, and remedy all our evils of poverty and 
otherwise. Let Sir James bring it about, and he will be 
our greatest benefactor and England’s best friend. In 
concluding, I may lay down a test for our appeal to the 
electors, that whichever candidates are not in accord with 
the Royal Proclamation, and with the lines of the Ripon 
policy, they are those whom we ask to be not regarded as- 
trustworthy and fair interpreters of our views and wishes. 
The resolution has Mr. Blunt’s name in the first list and 
Mr. Aryton’s in the second. This will show that we are 
not actuated by a spirit of partisanship. Whoever are 
our real friends, be they Liberal or Conservative, we call 
them our friends. Differences of opinion in some details 
will no doubt occur between us and our friends, but we. 
are desirous to support them, because the broad and im- 
portant lines of policy, which India needs, such as those 
of the Proclamation and the Ripon policy, and the broad 
and important facts of our true condition, are well under- 
stood and adopted by those friends for their guidance in 
their work for the welfare of India. {Applause.) 


INDIA AND THE OPIUM QUESTION. 

The following speech was delivered before a Conference 
which took place at the Offices of the Society for the Sup- 
pression of the Opium Trade , Broadway Chambers , West- 
minster on Monday afternoon , October \§th, 1886, to have d 
frank interchange of opinion with the Hon'hle Dadabhai 
Naoroji , M, L. C., and other Indian gentlemen on the sub- 
ject of the Opium Trade with special reference to its Indian 
aspects : — 

Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji said, — 1 have listened to the 
remarks of the gentlemen with very great interest, for 
the simple reason that I am almost of the same opinion. 
The best proof that I can give to you, not only of my 
own mere sentiments, but of my actual conduct in respect 
to opium, is that when I joined a mercantile firm in 1855, 
it was one of my conditions that I should have nothing 
whatever to do with opium. That is as far back as 1855. 
In 1880, in my correspondence with the Secretary of 
State on the condition of India, one of the paragraphs in 
my letter with regard to the opium trade is this ; and I 
think that this will give you at once an idea of my 
opinion : — 

“ There is the opium trade. What a spectacle it is 
to the world! In England, no statesman dares to propose 
that opium may be allowed to be sold in public-houses at 
the corners of every street, in the same way as beer or 
spirits. On the contrary, Parliament, as representing the 
whole nation, distinctly enacts that ‘ opium and all prepa^ 


192 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


rations of opium or of poppies,’ as ‘ poison bo sold by 
certified chemists only, and ‘ every box, bottle, vessel , 
wrapper, or cover in which such poison is contained, be 
distinctly labelled with the name of the article, and tho 
word 44 poison,” and with the name and address of the 
seller of the poison. And yet, at the other end of the 
world, this Christian, highly civilized, and humane Eng^ 
land forces a 4 heathen ’ and 4 barbarous ’ Power to take 
this 4 poison,’ and tempts a vast human race to use it,, 
and to degenerate and demoralize themselves with this 
4 poison !’ And why ? Because India cannot fill up the 
remorseless drain ; so China must be dragged in to make it 
up, even though it be by being 4 poisoned.’ It is wonder- 
ful how England reconciles this to her conscience. This 
opium trade is a sin on England’s head, and a curse on 
India for her share in being the instrument. This may 
sound strange as coming from any natives of India, as it 
is generally represented as if India it was that benefited 
by the opium trade. The fact simply is that, as Mr. Duff 
said, India is nearly ground down to dust, and the opium 
trade of China fills up England’s drain. India derives 
not a particle of benefit. All India’s profits of trade, 
and several millions from her very produce (scanty as it 
is, and becoming more and more so), and with these all 
the profit of opium go the same way of the drain — to 
England. Only India shares the curse of the Chinese 
race. Had this cursed opium trade not existed, India’s 
miseries would have much sooner come to the surface, 
and relief and redress would have come to her long ago ; 
but this trade has prolonged the agonies of India.” 

In this I have only just explained to you what I feel 
on the matter personally. With regard to the whole of 


INDIA AND THE OPIUM QUESTION. 


193 


the important question, which must be looked at in a 
practical point of view, I must leave sentiment aside. I 
must, at the same time, say that this opinion of mine that 
the opium revenue must be abolished is a personal one. I 
do not put it before you as the opinion of all India. I 
state it on my Own responsibility. There is a great fear 
that if the opium revenue were to cease, the people of 
India would be utterly unable to fill up the gap in the 
revenue. They feel aghast at the very suggestion of it, and 
they go so far as to say that the opium revenue cannot be 
dispensed with. I just tell you what is held there, so that 
you may understand both sides of the question thoroughly. 
Therefore you have not the complete sympathy of the 
natives of India in this matter, and you will find, perhaps, 
several members of the Indian press expressing their opi- 
nion that they could not dispense with the opium revenue. 
In fact, Mr. Grand Duff, in answer to some representation 
from your Society, or somebody interested in the abolition 
of the opium trade, has asked, in 1870, whether they 
wished to grind an already poor population to the dust. So 
that he showed that even with the help of the opium reve- 
nue India was just on the verge of being ground down to 
the dust. This, then, is the condition in which India is 
situated. The question is how to practically deal with it. 
Before you can deal with any such subject it is necessary 
for you to take into consideration the whole Indian prob-’ 
lemi — What has been the condition of India, and what is 
the condition of India, and why has it been so? Mr. 
Dadabhai then cited official authorities from the commence- 
ment of the present century up to the present day, includ- 
ing that of the late and present Finance Ministers, that 
British India had been all along exteremely poor.” He 
13 


194 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


pointed out the exceedingly low income of India, viz., only 
Rs. 20 per head per annum, as compared with that of any 
tolerably well self-governed country ; that a progressive 
and civilizing government ought to have increased reve- 
nue ; but India was utterly unable to yield such increas- 
ing revenue. He explained how, comparatively with 
its income, the pressure of taxation upon the subjects 
of British India was doubly heavier than that of Eng- 
land ; that of England being about 8 per cent, of its in- 
come, and of British India about 15 per cent, of its in- 
come ; that England paid from its plenty, and India from 
its exceedingly poor income, so that the effect on British 
Indian subjects was simply crushing. He pointed out 
that while the trade with British India was generally 
supposed to be very large, it was in reality very small and 
wretched indeed. He illustrated this by some statistics, 
showing that the exports of British produce to India was 
only about 30,000,000^., of which a portion went to the 
Native States of India and to part of Asia, through the 
northern border, leaving hardly a rupee a head worth for 
the subjects of British India. This certainly could not 
be a satisfactory result of a hundred years of British rule, 
with everything under British control. A quarter of a 
century ago, he said, Mr. Bright had used these remark- 
able words : “ I must say that it is my belief that if a 

country be found possessing a most fertile soil, and capable 
of bearing every variety of production, and that, notwith- 
standing, the people are in a state of extreme destitution 
and suffering, the chances are that there is some funda- 
mental error in the government of that country.” Mr. 
Dadabhai urged that the Society should find out this funda- 
mental error, and unless they did that, and made India 


INDIA AND THE OPIUM QUESTION. 


195 


prosperous, they could not expect to gain their benevolent 
object of getting rid of the opium revenue except by causing 
India to be ground down to dust by increased taxation in 
other shapes. This of course the Society did not mean, 
thus they ought to go to the root of the evil. India was 
quite capable of giving 200 instead of 70 millions of 
revenue, if they were allowed to keep what they produced, 
and to develop freely in their material condition ; and in 
such a condition India would be quite able to dispense 
with the curse of the opium revenue. Mr. Dadabhai then 
proceeded to point out what he regarded as the cause of 
the poverty of British India. He cited several authorities 
upon the subject, and showed it was simply that the 
employment of a foreign agency caused a large drain to 
the country, disabling it from saving any capital at all, 
and rendering it weaker and weaker every day, forcing it 
to resort to loans for its wants, and becoming worse and 
worse in its economic condition. He explained at some 
length the process and effect of this fundamental evil, and 
how even what was called the “ development ” of the 
resources of India was actually thereby turned into the 
result of the “ deprivation ” of the resources of India. In 
pointing out a practicable remedy for all the evils, he said 
he did not mean that a sudden revolution should be made ; 
but the remedy which had been pointed out by a Committee 
of the India Office in 1860 would be the best thing to do, 
to meet all the requirements of the case. After alluding 
to the Act of 1833 and the great Proclamation of 1858, a 
faithful fulfilment of which would be the fulfilment of all 
India’s desires and wants, he said that the Committee of 
the India Office to which he had referred had recommended 
that simultaneous examinations should be held in India 


196 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


and England, and the list be made up according to merit ; 
and he added to this scheme, that the successful candidates 
of the first examination should be made to come over to 
England and finish their studies for two years with the 
successful candidates of England. This was the resol ution 
of the National Indian Congress which met last Christmas 
in Bombay. It was also necessary that some scope should 
be given to the military races to attach them to the Bri- 
tish rule. If this fair play and justice were given to the 
natives in all the higher Civil Services and if some fair 
competition system v/ere adopted for all the unconvenanted 
and subordinate services, India would have fair play, and 
free development of herself would become prosperous, 
would be able to give as much revenue as a progressive 
and a civilizing administration should want, and then only 
would the philanthropic object of the Society be fully 
achieved. Otherwise, if India continued as wretched a & 
she was at present, there was no chance of the object being 
attained except by great distress to the Indian themselves- 
and grave political dangers to the British rulers, or the 
whole may end in some great disaster. Mr. Dadabhai 
was glad that British statesmen were becoming alive te 
this state of affairs, and the highest Indian authority T 
the Secretary of State, fully shared his appreciation of the 
position, wheui he wrote to the Treasury on the 26th cf 
. January last ; “ The position of India in relation to taxa- 
tion and the sources cf the public revenue, is very peculiar, 
not merely . . . but likewise from the character of 

the government, which is in the hands of foreigners, who 
hold all the principal administrative offices, and form so 
large a part cf the army. The imposition of new taxation 
which would have to be borne wholly as a consequence of 


INDIA AND THE OPIUM QUESTION. 


197 


the foreign rule imposed on the country, and virtually to 
meet additions to charges arising outside of the country, 
would constitute a political danger, the real magnitude of 
which, it is to be feared, is not at all appreciated by per- 
sons who have no knowledge of, or concern in the govern- 
ment of India, but which those responsible for that govern- 
ment have long regarded as of the most serious order.” 


V. 

ADDRESS TO THE ELECTORS OF HOLBORN. 



[ Address to the Electors of the Eolhorn Division delivered 
on the 27th June , 1886, during the general election of that 
year in support of his candidature as the Liberal Candidate 
for the Eolhorn Division of Finsbury .] 

I really do not know how I can thank you from the bot- 
tom of my heart, for the permission you have given me 
to stand before you as a canditate for your borough.. I 
appreciate the honour most highly. I will not take more 
of your time on this point, because you may believe me 
when I say that I thank you from bottom of my heart. It 
is really and truly so. {Cheers.) Standing as I do here, 
to represent the 250,000,000 of your fellow-subjects in 
India, of course I know thoroughly well my duty ; for I am 
returned by you, my first duty will be to consult complete- 
ly and fully the interest of my constituents. I do not 
want at present to plead the cause of India. I am glad 
that that cause has been ably and eloquently pleaded by 
our worthy Chairman, by Mr. Wilfrid Blunt, and by Mr. 
Bryce. But the time must come, if I am returned, to lay 
before you the condition of India — what little we want 
from you, and with little we are always satisfied. For the 
present, therefore, I would come to the burning question 
of the day — the Irish Home Buie. ( Loud cheers.) 
“consistent with justice.” 

The question now before you is whether Ireland shall 
have its Home Buie or not. (“ Yes, yes.”) The details are 
a different question altogether. I will therefore confine 
myself to those particular points which affect the princi- 


ADDRESS TO THE ELECTORS OF HOLBORN. 199 


pie of Home Rule. The first thing I will say is something 
about Mi*. Gladstone himself. {Loud cheers.) Grand Old 
Man he is —{renewed cheers ) — and not only all England, 
but all India says so. {Vociferous cheers.) He has been 
much twitted that he is inconsistent with himself — that he 
has said something some time ago and something different 
now. But those that can understand the man can under- 
stand how very often a great man may appear inconsist- 
ent when in reality he is consistent with truth, justice, 
right, and has the courage of his convictions. Mr. Glad- 
stone thought something at one time, but as circumstances 
changed, and new light came, and new power was wielded 
by the Irish people, he saw that this change of circumstan- 
ces required a reconsideration of the whole question. He 
came to the conclusion that the only remedy for this dis- 
cord between two sisters was to let the younger sister have 
her own household. (Cheers.) When he saw that he had' 
the courage of his conviction, the moral courage to come 
forward before the world and say, “ 1 see that this is the 
remedy : let the English nation adopt it.” And I have no 
doubt that they will adopt it. 

“incompatible with tyranny.” 

I have lived in this country actually for twenty years, 
and my entire connection in business with England has 
been thirty years, and I say that if there is one thing more 
certain than another that I have learned, it is that the 
English nation is incompatible with tyranny. It will at 
times be proud and imperious, and will even carry a wrong 
to a long extent ; but the time will come when 
it will be disgusted with its own tyranny and 
its own wrong. (Cheers.) When once an Englishman sees 
his mistake he has the moral courage to rectify it. (Cheers.) 


200 SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJL 

Mr. Gladstone, then, has represented your highest and most 
generous instincts, and I have no doubt that, the res- 
ponse from the country, sooner or later, must come to the 
height of his argument and of his sentiment. The greatest 
argument against Home Rule is that it will disintegrate 
the Empire. How, it has been a surprise to me how this 
word Empire has been so extraordinarily used and abused* 

THE NONSENSE OF DISINTEGRATION. 

What is the British Empire ? Is it simply Great 
Britain and Ireland ? Why it exists over the whole surface 
of the world — east, west, north, south — and the sun never 
sets upon it. Is that Empire to be broken down, even 
though Ireland be entirely separated ? Do you mean to say 
that the British Empire hangs only upon the thread of 
the Irish will ? (Laughter .) Has England conquered the 
British Empire simply because Ireland did it? What 
nonsense it is to say that such an Empire could be dis- 
integrated, even if unhappily Ireland were separated ! Do 
the Colonies hold you in affection because Ireland is with 
you ? Is the Indian Empire submissive to you because 
you depend upon Ireland ? Such a thing would be the 
highest humiliation for the English people to say. (Cheers.) 
The next question is, Will Ireland separate ? ( “ No.”) 

Well, we may say that because we wish it should not ; 
but we must consider it carefully. Let us suppose that 
the Irish are something like human beings. ( Laughter 
and cheers .) Let us suppose them to be guided by the 
ordinary motives of humanity. I put it to you fairly 
whether Ireland will separate or not. I say she will not. 

HOME RULE HOME LIFE. 

What will Ireland, be after it has this Home Rule ? 
It will simply have its own household, just as a son who 


ADDRESS TO THE ELECTORS OF HOLBORN. 201 


has come of age wishes to have a home in which his wife 
may be supreme. Ireland simply asks its own household 
independence, and that does not in the least mean that 
the Empire is disadvantaged. The Imperial concern is in 
no way concerned in it. Just as, I and my partner being 
in business, I leave the management of the concern to 
him. I have confidence in hiip. I know he would not 
deprive me of a single farthing ; but as a partner in the 
hrm I am not compelled to live with him, nor to submit 
myself to him for food and clothing, and the necessaries 
•of life. You do not mean to say that, because Ireland has 
a separate household, therefore she will also be separated 
from the Imperial firm, and that they would have no 
connection with each other ? The British Empire still re- 
mains, to be shared by them. 

THE ANALOGY OF THE COLONIES. 

Take the Colonies. They have their own self- 
government, as Ireland asks, but there the position of the 
Colonies ends. Ireland, with this Parliament granted to 
it, will be in a far higher position than the Colonies are. 
Ireland will be a part of the ruling power of the British 
Empire. She and England will be partners as rulers of 
the British Empire, which the Colonies are not. And if 
the Irish separate, what are they ? An insignificant 
•country. If they should remain separate, and England 
&nd America, or England and France should go to war, 
they would be crushed. There is a saying among the 
Indians that when two elephants fight the trees are up- 
rooted. ( Laughter .) What, could Ireland do? It would 
not be her interest to sever herself from England, and to 
lose the honour of a share in the most glorious Empire 
t;hat ever existed on the face of the earth. ( Loud cheers.y 


202 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


Do you then for a moment suppose that Ireland will throw 
itself down from the high pedestal on which it at present 
stands ? It supplies the British Empire with some of its 
best statesmen and warriors. (Cheers.) Is this the 
country so blind to its own interests that it 

will not understand that by leaving England it 

throws itself to the bottom of the sea ? With Eng- 
land it is the ruler of mankind. I say therefore that 
Ireland will never separate from you. (Cheers.) Home 
Buie will bring peace and prosperity to them, and they 
will have a higher share in the British Empire. (Cheers.) 
Depend upon it, gentlemen, if I live ten years more — I 
hope 1 shall live — if this Bill is passed, that every one of 
you, and every one of the present opponents of Home Buie 
will congratulate himself that he did, or allowed to be 
done, this justice to Ireland. (Cheers.) 

A PEOPLE “ VALIANT, GENEROUS, AND TENDER.” 

There is one more point which is important to be 
dealt with. I am only confining myself to the principle of 
Home Buie. Another objection taken to the Bill is that 
the Irish are a bad lot — ( laughter ) — that they are poor, 
wretched, ungrateful, and so forth. (“ Who said so ? ”) 
Some people say so. (“ Salisbury,” and cheers and hisses.) 
We shall see what one says whom you have entrusted with 
the rulership of two hundred and fifty millions of people — 
I allude to Lord Dufferin, himself an Irishman. (Cheers.) 
What does he say ? How does he describe Ireland? I 
may shoot the two birds at once by referrring to his des- 
cription of the country as well as of the people. He says 
that Ireland is a lovely and fertile land, caressed by a 
clement atmosphere, held in the embrace of the sea, with 
a coast filled with the noblest harbours of the world and 


ADDRESS TO THE ELECTORS OF HOLBORN. 203 


“ inhabited by a race valiant, generous, and tender, gifted* 
beyond measure with the power of physical endurance, and 
graced with the liveliest; intelligence.” It is not neces- 
sary for me to say any more about a people of that 
character. I think it is a slander on humanity and 
human nature to say that any people, and more especially 
the Irish, are not open to the feelings of gratitude, to 
the feelings of kindness. If there is anything for which 
the Irish are distinguished — I say this not merely from 
my study of your country, but from my experience of 
some Irish people — that if ever I have found a warm- 
hearted people in the world, I have found the Irish. 
(Loud cheers.) 

A PEOPLE “ACCESSIBLE TO JUSTICE.” 

But I will bring before you the testimony of another 
great man, whom, though he is at present at variance with 
us on this question of a separate Parliament, we always 
respect. It is a name highly respected by the natives of 
India, and, I know, by the Liberals of this country. I 
mean John Bright. (Hisses and cheers.) What does he 
say? “ If there be a people on the face of the earth whose 
hearts are accessible to justice, it is the Irish people.”' 
(Cheers.) Now, I am endeavouring to take all the im- 
portant points brought forward against this Home Rule.. 
Mr. Gladstone proposes that they should give a certain 
proportion of money to the Imperial Exchequer. Their 
opponents say, “ Oh, they will promise all sorts of things.”' 
Now, I want this to be carefully considered. The basis of 
the most powerful of human motives is self-interest. It 
is to the interest of Ireland never to separate from 
England. 


204 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJL 


NOT TRIBUTE, BUT PARTNERSHIP. 

I will now show you that this, which is called a 
tribute and a degradation, is nothing of the kind. Ireland 
would feel it its duty to pay this. It is not tribute in any 
sense of the word. Ireland is a partner in the Imperial 
firm. Ireland shares both the glory and the profit of the 
British rule. Its children will be employed as fully in 
the administration and the conduct of the Empire as any 
Englishman will be. Ireland, in giving only something 
like £1 in <£15 to the Exchequer will more than amply 
benefit. It is a partnership, and they are bound to supply 
their capital just as much as the senior partner is bound 
to supply his. They will get the full benefit of it. Tri- 
bute is a thing for which you get no return in material 
benefit, and to call this tribute is an abuse of words. I 
have pointed out that those great bugbears, the separation, 
the tribute, and the bad character of the Irish are pure 
myths. The Irish are a people that are believed by many 
an Englishman to be as high in intellect and in morality 
as any on the face of the earth. If they are bad now, it 
is your own doing. {Cheers.) You first debase them, and 
then give them a bad name, and then want to hang them. 
No, the time has come when you do understand the happy 
inspiration which Mr. Gladstone has conceived. 

HOME RULE: — THE GOLDEN RULE. 

You do know now that Ireland must be treated as 
you treat yourselves. You say that Irishmen must be 
under the same laws as Englishmen, and must have the 
rSame rights. Very good. The opponents say yes, and 
therefore they must submit to the laws which the British 
Parliament makes. I put to them one simple question. 
"Will Englishmen for a single day submit to laws made 


ADDRESS TO THE ELECTORS OF HOLBORN. 205 

for them by those who are not Englishmen ? What is the 
proudest chapter in British history? That of the Stuarts. 
You did not tolerate the laws of your own Sovereign, be- 
cause you thought they were not your laws. (Cheers.) 
You waged civil war, regardless of consequences, and 
fought and struggled till you established the principle that 
the English will be their own sovereign, and your own 
sons your own legislators and guides. You did not submit 
to a ruler, though he was your own countryman. Our 
opponents forget that they are not giving the same rights 
to the Irish people. They are oblivious of this right, and 
say Ireland must be governed by laws that we make for 
her. They do not understand that what is our own, 
however bad it; is, is dearer to us than what is given to us 
by another, however high and good he may be. (Cheers.) 
No one race of people can ever legislate satisfactorily for 
another race. Then they object that the Saxon race is 
far superior to the Celtic, and that the Saxon must 
govern the whole, though in the next breath they admit 
that the one cannot understand the other. (Laughter.) 
A grand patriarch said to his people thousands of years 
ago, “ Here is good, here is evil ; make your choice r 
choose the good, and reject the evil.” A grand patriarch 
of to-day — the Grand Old Man — (loud cheers ) — tells you, 
Here is the good, here is the evil ; choose the good, re- 
ject the evil.” And I do not say I hope and trust, but 
I am sure, that the English nation, sooner or later, will 
come to that conclusion — will choose the good, and will 
reject the evil. 

A WORD ABOUT INDIA. 

I only want now to say one word about my own 
country. (Loud cheers.) I feel that my task has, been 


206 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


so much lessened by previous speakers, that I will not 
trouble you much upon this point. I appeal to you for 
the sake of the two hundred and fifty millions of India. 
I have a right to do so, because I know that India regards 
me — at least, so it is said — as a fair representative. I 
want to appeal to you in their name that, whether you 
send me or another to Parliament, you at once make up 
your minds that India ought to have some representation 
— ( cheers ) — in your British Parliament. I cannot place 
my case better than in the words of an illustrious English 
lady, whose name for patriotism, philanthropy, and self- 
sacrifice is the highest amongst your race — Miss Florence 
Nightingale. ( Loud cheers.) She writes to me in these 
words : — 

MISS FLORENCE NIGHTINGALE TO THE ELECTORS 
OF HOLBORN. 

“ London, June 23, 1886. — My dear Sir, — My warmest good 
wishes are yours in the approaching election forHolborn, and this 
not only for your sake, but yet more for that of India and of 
England, so important is it that the millions of India should in the 
British Parliament here be represented by one who, like yourself, 
has devoted his life to them in such a high fashion — to the difficult 
and delicate task of unravelling and explaining what stands at the 
bottom of India’s poverty, what are India’s rights, and what is the 
right for India : rights so compatible with, indeed so dependent on 
loyalty to the British Crown ; rights which we are all seeking after 
for those great multitudes, developing, not every day like foliage 
in May, but slowly and surely. The last five or eight years have 
made a difference in India’s cultivated classes which has astonish- 
ed statesmen — in education, the seeds of which were so sedulously 
sown by the British Government — in power, of returning to the 
management of their own local affairs, which they had from time 
immemorial ; that is, in the powers and responsibilities of local 
self-government, their right use of which would be equally advan- 
tageous to the Government of India and to India (notwithstand- 
ing some blunders) ; and a noble because careful beginning has 
been made in giving them this power. Therefore do I hail you and 
yearn after your return to this Parliament, to continue the work 
you have so well begun in enlightening England and India on 
Indian affairs. I wish I could attend your first public meeting, to 


ADDRESS TO THE ELECTORS OF HOLBORN. 207 

which you kindly invite me to-morrow ; but alas for me, who for 
so many years have been unable from illness to do anything out of 
my rooms. — Your most ardent well wisher, Florence Nightingale.” 
( Loud cheers .) 

India’s appeal. 

Well, gentlemen, in the words of this illustrious lady, 
I appeal not only to you, the constituents of Holborn, but 
to the whole English nation, on the behalf of 250 millions 
of your fellow subjects — a sixth part of the human race, 
and the largest portion of the British Empire, before 
whom you are but as a drop in the ocean ; we appeal to 
you to do us justice, and to allow us a representative 
in your British Parliament. ( Loud and prolonged cheer s, 
the audience rising in great enthusiasm.) 


VI. 

THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE. 

— • 8 >~» 

The following speech was delivered before a meeting of 
the East India Association , at which Mr. A. K. Connell 
read a paper on “ The Indian Civil Service f July , 1887. 
Mr. John Bright in the Chair. 

Mr. Dadabliai Naoroji said : Mr. Chairman, Ladies 
and Gentlemen, — My first impulse was not to send up my 
card at all, but after attending this meeting and hearing 
the paper that has been put before us, it is necessary that 
I should not put myself in a false position, and as I dis- 
agree with a portion of this paper, it became necessary 
that I should make that disagreement known. The third 
part of the paper is the part that is objectionable ; and it 
seems to me it is a lame and impotent conclusion of an 
able and well-considered beginning. For me to undertake 
to reply to all the many fallacies that that third part 
contains, will be utterly out of the question in the ten 
minutes allotted to me ; but I have one consolation in that 
respect — that my views are generally known, that they are 
embodied to a great extent in the journals of this Associa- 
tion ; that I alse direct the attention of Mr. Connell and 
others to two papers that I submitted to the Public Service 
Commission, and that I hope there are two other papers 
tha-t are likely to appear in the Contemporary Review in 
the months of August and September. These have antici- 
pated, and will, 1 trust, directly and indirectly answer 
most of the fallacies of Mr. Connell’s paper. I would, 
therefore, not attempt the impossible task of replying to 


THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE. 


209 


the whole of this paper, but I will make a few remarks 
of a different character altogether bearing upon the vital 
question before us. This question of the services is not 
simply a question of the aspirations of a few educated men ; 
it is the question of life and death to the whole of British 
India. It is our good fortune that we have in the chair 
to-day the gentleman who put a very pertinent question, 
going to the root of the whole evil, as far back as a third 
of a century ago. Mr. Bright put the question in the 
year 1853. He said : “ I must say that it is my belief 
that if a country be found possessing a most fertile soil and 
capable of bearing every variety of production, and that 
notwithstanding the people are in a state of extreme desti- 
tution and suffering, the chances are that there is some 
fundamental error in the Government of that country.” 
Gentlemen, as long as you do not give a full and fair 
answer to that queetion of the great statesman — that 
statement made a third of a century ago — you will never 
be able to grasp this great and important question of the 
services. It is not, as I have already said, a question of 
the mere aspiration of a few educated men. Talking about 
this destitution, it is a circumstance which has been dwelt 
upon in the beginning of the century by 1 Sir John Shaw. 
Lord Lawrence in his time said that the mass of the peo- 
ple were living on scanty subsistence. To the latest day 
the last Finance Minister, Sir Evelyn Baring, testified to 
the extreme poverty of the people, and so does the present 
Finance Minister. The fact is that after you have hundred 
years of the most highly-paid and the most highly-praised 
administration in that country, it is the poorest country 
in the world. How can you account for that ? Grasp 
that question fully, and then only will you be able to see 
14 


210 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


what vast interest this question of the services means. 
Then I come to the pledges that have been given. Here 
are open honorable pledges. The statesmen of 1833 laid 
down distinctly, in the face of the important consideration 
— whether India should be allowed ever to be lost to Bri- 
tain. They weighed every circumstance, and they came 
to the deliberate conclusion which was embodied in the 
Act that they passed. But then you had not the expe- 
rience of that fear of the risk of losing India. Twenty- 
five years afterwards you actually experienced that very 
risk ; you actually had a mutiny against you, and what 
was your conduct then ? Even after that experience, you 
rose above yourself; you kept up your justice and genero- 
sity and magnanimity, and in the name of the Queen, and 
by the mouth of the Queen, you issued a Proclamation, 
which if you “ conscientiously ” fulfil will be your highest 
glory, and your truest fame and reward. Gentlemen, take 
the bull by the horns. Do not try to shrink this ques- 
tion. If you are afraid of losing India, and if you are 
to be actuated by the inglorious fear of that risk, let that 
be stated at once. Tell us at once, “We will keep you 
under our heels, we will not allow you to rise or to prosper 
at any time.” Then we shall know our fate. But with 
your English manliness — and if there is anything more 
characteristic of you than anything else, it is your manli- 
ness — speak out honestly and rot hypocritically, what you 
intend to do. Do you really mean to fulfil the pledges 
given before the world, and in the name of God, with the 
sanction of God and asking God to aid you ? he execu- 
tion of that pledge — do you mean to stick to that pledge 
or to get out of it? Whatever it be, like h<: : st English- 
men, speak out openly and plainly. “ We will do this” or 


THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE. 


211 


<( We will not do this.” But do not expose yourselves to 
the charges — which I am not making, but your own mem- 
bers of the India Council have made — of “ keeping the 
promise to the ear, and breaking to the hope.” Looking 
at the time I cannot now enter into all the different and 
i mportant considerations that this paper raises, but I simp- 
ly ask you again this question, whether like honest 
Englishmen such as you are, in a manly way, you say the 
thing and do it. If you mean to fulfil these pledges honest- 
ly, do so; if you do not mean to fulfil them honestly, say 
so, and at least preserve your character for honesty and 
manliness. Mr. Connell had, in the first part of his paper, 
laid down as emphatically as he could the principles upon 
which the English nation is bound to act, and in the third 
part of the paper he has done his utmost to discredit the 
whole thing, and to say how not to dc it. But he for- 
gets one thing : that the pledge you have given, you have 
never given a fair trial to : if you only give a fair trial to 
that pledge, you will find that it will not only redound to 
your glory for ever, but also result in great benefits to 
yourself ; but if India is to be for a long time under your 
rule with blessing, and not with a curse, it is the fulfilment 
of that pledge which will secure that result. Ah ! gentle- 
men, no eternal or permanent results can ever follow from 
dodging and palavering. Eternal results can follow only 
from eternal principles. Your rule of India is based not 
on sixty thousand bayonets or a hundred thousand bayon- 
ets. But it is based upon the confidence, the intense 
faith like the one that I hold, in the justice, the conscience 
and the honor of the British nation. As long as I have 
that faith in me, I shall continue to urge and plead before 
statesmen like Mr. Bright, and before the English nation. 


212 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


Fulfil your pledge honestly before God, because it is upon 
those eternal principles only that you can expect to conti- 
nue your rule with benefit to yourself and benefit to us. 
The reply to your (President’s) question, Sir, about the 
fundamental error is then this. A foreign rule can never 
be but a curse to any nation on the face of the earth, ex- 
cept so far as it approaches a native rule, be the foreigners 
angels themselves. If this principle is not fairly borne 
in mind, and if honest efforts are not made to fulfil your 
pledges, it is utterly useless for us to plead, or to expect any 
good result, or to expect that India will ever rise in mate- 
rial and moral prosperity. I do not mean to say a word 
against the general personnel of these services, as they are 
at the present time-they are doing what they can in the 
false groove in which they are placed ; to them there is 
every honor due for the ability and integrity with which 
most of them have carried on their work ; but what I say 
is this. This system must be changed. The administration 
must become native under the supreme control of the English 
nation. Then you have one element in India, which is pecu- 
liarly favorable to the permanence of your rule, if the 
people are satisfied that you give them the justice that 
you promise. It is upon the rock of justice alone that 
your rule stands. If they are satisfied, the result will be 
this. It is a case peculiar to India : there are Maho- 
medans and Hindus ; if both are satisfied, both will take 
care that your supremacy must remain over them ; but if 
they are both dissatisfied, and there is any paltering with 
justice and sincerity they will join together against you. 
Under these circumstances you have everything in your 
favor ; in fact, the divine law is that if you only follow 
the divine law, then only can you produce divine results. 
Do good, no matter what the result is. If you trifle 
with those eternal and divine laws, the result must be 
disastrous. I must stop as the time is up. 


VII. 

GREAT RECEPTION MEETING IN BOMBAY. 


[ The following speech was delivered before the public 
meeting of the inhabitants of Bombay called by the Bombay 
Presidency Association at the Framjee Cowasjee Institute 
on Sunday , the 13th February 1887 , to pass a vote of 
thanks to the Hon. Dadabhai Naoroji and Mr. Lai Mohun 
Ghose for their exertions on behalf of India at the Parlia- 
mentary elections of 1886 in England. Mr. ( now Sir) 
Dinshaw M . Petit in the Chair. ] 

The Hon’ble Dadabhai Naoroji (amidst long and im- 
mense cheering), said : — Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gen- 
tlemen, — I feel extremely obliged by the very kind recep- 
tion you have given to my friend Mr. Ghose and myself } 
and for the confidence you have reposed in us. Such 
hearty acknowledgments of my humble services and of 
my friend’s arduous exertion cannot but encourage us 
largely in our future work. {Cheers.) As natives of India 
we are bound to do whatever lies within our power and 
opportunities. In undertaking the work of trying to get 
a seat in Parliament, the first question that naturally 
arose was whether it would be of any good to India and 
whether an Indian member would be listened to. The 
first thing, therefore, I did on arriving in England was to 
consult many English friends, several of whom are eminent 
statesmen of the day and members of Parliament. I was 
almost universally advised that I should not hesitate to 
try to carry out my intentions, that it was extremely 
desirable that there should be at least one or two Indians 


214 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


in Parliament to enable members to learn the native view 
of questions from natives themselves. (Cheers.) That if I 
could by any possibility work way into the House, I 
would certainly be doing a great service not only to India 
but to a large extent to England also. {Cheers.) Several 
fundamental important questions of policy can be fought 
out and decided in Parliament alone as they depend upon 
Acts of Parliament, and Parliament is the ultimate ap- 
peal in every important question in which Government 
and the native public may differ. To get direct represen- 
tation from India was not at present possible. An in- 
direct representation through the liberality and aid of 
some British constituency was the only door open to us. 
I undertook to contest Hoi born under many disadvan- 
tages. I was just occupied in making acquaintances and 
feeling my way. I had no time to find out and make the 
acquaintance of any constituency ; I was quite unknown 
to the political world, when of a sudden the resolution 
came on upon me. The Liberal leaders very properly 
advised me that I should not lose this opportunity of con- 
testing some seat, no matter however a forlorn hope it 
might be, as the best means of making myself known to 
the English constituencies, and of securing a better chance 
and choice for the next opportunity. That I could not 
expect to get in at a rush, which even an Englishman was 
rarely able to do except under particularly favourable 
circumstances. I took the advice and selected Holborn 
out of three offers I have received. I thus not only got 
experience of an English contest, but it also satisfied me 
as to what prospects an Indian had of receiving fair and 
even generous treatment at the hands of English electors. 
The elections clearly showed me that a suitable Indian 


GREAT RECEPTION MEETING IN BOMBAY. 


215 


candidate has as good a chance as any Englishman, or even 
some advantage over an Englishman, for there is a general 
and genuine desire among English electors to give to 
India any help in their power. {Cheers.) I had only nine 
days of work from my first meeting at the Holborn Town 
Hall, and sometimes L had to attend two or three meet- 
ings on the same day. The meetings were as enthusiastic 
and cordial in reception as one’s heart could desire. Now ? 
the incident I refer to is this. Of canvassing I was able 
to do but very little. Some liberal electors, who were 
opposed to Irish Home Rule, intended to vote for the conser- 
vative candidate, but to evince their sympathy 
with India, they promised me to abstain from voting 
altogether. Unknown as 1 was to the Holborn elec- 
tors, the exceedingly enthusiastic and generous 
treatment they gave me, and that nearly two thousand 
of them recorded their votes in my favour, must be quite 
enough to satisfy any that the English public desire to 
help us to have our own voice in the House of Commons. 
(Cheers.) Letters and personal congratulations I received 
from many for what they called my “ plucky contest.” 
Lord Ripon — (cheers ) — wrote to me not to be discouraged, 
as my want of success was shared by so many other libe- 
rals as to deprive it of personal character ; that it was the 
circumstances of the moment, as it turned out, that work- 
ed specially against me, and he trusted I would be success- 
ful on a future occasion. Now, it was quite true that owing 
to the deep split among the Liberals in the Home Rule ques- 
tion, it was estimated by some that I had lost nearly a 
thousand votes by the abstention of Liberal voters. In short, 
with my whole experience at Holborn, of both the manner 
and events of the contest, I am more than ever confirmed 


216 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


in my opinion that India may fairly expect from the Eng- 
lish public just and generous treatment. (Cheers.) I 
have no doubt that my friend Mr. Ghose — ( cheers ) — with 
his larger electioneering experience of two arduous con- 
tests, will be able to tel: you of similar conviction and future 
hopefulness. There is one great advantage achieved by their 
contests, which in itself is an ample return for all the trouble 
— I mean the increasing and earnest interest that has been 
aroused in the English public about Indian matters. From 
everywhere you begin to receive expressions of desire to 
know the truth about India, and invitations come to you 
to address on Indian subjects. The moral effect of these 
contests is important and invaluable. {Hear, hear.) A 
letter I received from an English friend on the eve of my 
departure for India this time fairly represents the general 
English feeling I have met with. Nothing would give him, 
he says, greater satisfaction than to see me sitting in the 
House of Commons — ( cheers ) — where I would arouse in 
the English representatives a keen sense of England’s res- 
ponsibilities, and show them how to fulfil them. (Cheers.) 
For the sake of England and of India alike, he earnestly 
hoped that I might be a pioneer of this sacred work. My 
presence in the House of Commons was to his mind more 
important than that of any Englishman whom he knew 
— (cheers ) — though that seemed saying a good deal. With 
these few remarks I once more return to you my most 
hearty thanks for the reception you have given us, and it 
would be an important credential as well as an encourage- 
ment in our further efforts. ( Loud cheers.) 


VIII. 

INDIAN FAMINE BELIEF FUND MEETING. 

[ Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji addressed a meeting held on 
Sunday , July ls£, 1900, at the United Methodist Free 
Church , Marhhouse Road , Walthamstow , in aid of the 
Indian Famine Relief Fund. Mr. Peter Troughton occu- 
pied the Chair. 

The Chairman, in opening the proceedings , said the 
Indian famine teas a subject of very great interest to all 
Englishmen , and he was sure they would all gladly wel- 
come some authentic information on the subject. He would 
therefore ash Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji to start his speech 
right away. ( Applause .)] 

Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji, who was received with 
cheers, said : — 

Mr. Chairman, I feel exceedingly pleased at having 
to address so large a meeting of English ladies and 
gentlemen. I assure you it is a great consolation to me 
that English people are willing to hear what Indians 
have to say. I will make bold to speak fully and 
heartily, in order that you may know the truth. I 
will take as a text the following true words ; “ As 

India must be bled.” These words were delivered by a 
Secretary of State for India, Lord Salisbury himself. I 
don’t mention them as any complaint against Lord 
Salisbury. On the contrary, I give him credit for 
saying the truth. I want to impress upon you what 
these important words mean. Let us clearly understand 
what is meant by bleeding a nation. It is perfectly true 


218 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


that when government is carried on people must pay 
taxes. But there is a great difference between taxing a 
people and bleeding a people. You in England pay 
something like fifty shillings, or more now, of taxes per 
head per annum. We in India pay only three to four 
shillings per head per annum. From this you may 
conclude that we must be the most lightly-taxed people 
in the world. That is not the case, however ; our burden 
is nearly twice as heavy as yours. The taxes you pay in 
this country go from the hands of the taxpayers into the 
hands of the Government, from which they flow back 
into the country again in various shapes, fertilising 
trade and returning to the people themselves. There is 
no diminution of your wealth ; your taxes simply change 
hands. Whatever you give out you must get back. 
Any deficit means so much loss of strength. Supposing 
you pay a hundred million pounds every year, and the 
Government uses that money in such a way that part 
only returns to you, the other part going out of the 
country. In that case you are being bled, part of your 
life is going away. Suppose out of the hundred million 
pounds only eighty million pounds return to you in the 
shape of salaries, commerce, or manufactures. You will 
have lost twenty million pounds. Next year you will 
be so much the weaker ; and so on each year. This is 
the difference between taxing people and bleeding people. 
Suppose a body of Frenchmen were your rulers, and 
that out of the hundred million pounds of taxes they 
took ten to twenty million pounds each year ; you would 
then be said to be bleeding. The nation would then be 
losing a portion of its life. How is India bled ? I sup- 
posed your own case with Frenchmen as your rulers. 


INDIAN FAMINE RELIEF FUND. 


219 


We Indians are governed by you. You manage our ex- 
penditure and our taxes in such a way that while we 
pay a hundred million pounds of taxation this hundred 
million never returns to us intact. Only about eighty 
million returns to us. There is a continual bleeding of 
about twenty millions annually from the revenues. Ever 
since you obtained territorial jurisdiction and power in 
India, in the middle of the last century, Englishmen 
and other Europeans that went to India have treated 
that country in the most oppressive way. I will quote 
a few words of the Court of Directors at the time to 
show this. “ The vast fortunes acquired in the inland 
trade have been obtained by the most oppressive conduct 
that ever was known in any country or age.” The most 
oppressive means were adopted in order to bring away 
from the country enormous quantities of wealth. How 
was the Indian Empire obtained by you ? It has been 
generally said that you have won it by the sword, and 
that you will keep it by the sword. The people who say 
this do not know what they are talking about. They 
also forget that you may lose “ it by force.” You have 
not won the Indian Empire by the sword. During 
these hundred and fifty years you have carried on wars 
by which this great Empire has been built up ; it has 
cost hundreds of millions of money. Have you paid a 
single farthing of it ? You have made the Indians pay 
every farthing. You have formed this great British Em- 
pire at our expense, and you will hear what reward we 
have received from you. The European army in India 
at any time was comparatively insignificant. In the 
time of the Indian Mutiny you had only forty thousand 
troops there. It was the two hundred thousand Indian 


220 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


troops that shed their blood and fought your battles and 
that gave you this magnificent Empire. It is at India’s 
cost and blood that this Empire has been formed and 
maintained up to the present day. It is in consequence 
of the tremendous cost of these wars and because of the 
millions on millions you draw from us year by year that 
India is so completely exhausted and bled. It is no 
wonder that the time has come when India is bleeding 
to death. You have brought India to this condition by 
the constant drain upon the wealth of that country. I 
ask any one of you whether it is possible for any nation 
on the face of the earth to live under these conditions. 
Take your own nation. If you were subjected to such a 
process of exhaustion for years, you wouli come down 
yourselves to the condition in which India now finds 
herself. How then is this drain made ? You impose 
upon us an immense European military and civil service, 
you draw from us a heavy taxation. But in the dis- 
bursement and the disposal of that taxation we have not 
the slightest voice. I ask anyone here to stand up and 
say that he would be satisfied if, having to pay a heavy 
taxation, be had no voice in the government of the 
country. We have not the slightest voice. The Indian 
Government are the masters of all our resources, and 
they may do what they like with them. We have simply 
to submit and be bled. I hope I have made it quite 
clear to you, that the words of Lord Salisbury which I 
have quoted are most significant ; that the words are 
true and most appropriate when applied to India. It is 
the principle on which the system of British govern- 
ment has been carried on during these 150 years. What 
has been the consequence ? I shall again quote from 


INDIAN FAMINE RELIEF FUND. 


221 


Lord Salisbury. He says : “ That as India must be bled 
the lancet should be directed to the parts where the 
blood is congested, or at least sufficient, not to those 
parts already feeble from the want of it.” Lord 
Salisbury declared that the agricultural population, the 
largest portion of the population of India, was feeble 
from the want of blood. This was said twenty-five 
years ago ; and that blood has been more and more 

drawn upon during the past quarter of a century. The 
result is that they have been bled to death ; and why ? A 
large proportion of our resources and wealth is clean 
carried away never to return to us. That is the process 
of bleeding. Lord Salisbury himself says : “ So much 
of the revenue is exported without a direct equivalent.” 
I ask any one of you whether there is any great mystery 
in these dire famines and plagues ? No other country, 
exhausted as India has been, exhausted by an evil system 
of government, would have stood it half the time. It is 
extraordinary that the loyalty of the Indians who are 
bled by you is still so great. The reason of it is that 
among the Hindoos it is one of their most cherished and 
religious duties that they should give obedience and 
loyalty to the powers that govern them. And they have 
been loyal to that sentiment, and you have derived the 
benefit of it. It is a true and genuine loyalty. But do 
not expect that that loyalty cannot fail, that it will 
continue in the same condition in which it is at the 
present time. It is for the British to rouse themselves 
and to open their minds, and to think whether they 
are doing their duty in India. The theory maintained 
by statesmen is that India is governed for the benefit 
of India. They say that they do not derive any benefit 


222 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


from the taxation. But this is erroneous. The reality 
is that India, up to the present day, has been governed 
so as to bring about the impoverishment of the people. 
I ask you whether this is to continue. Is it necessary 
that, for your benefit, we must be destroyed ? Is it a 
natural consequence, is it a necessary consequence ? Not 
at all. If it were British rule and noc un-British rule 
which governed us England would be benefited ten times 
more than it is. (Cheers.) You could benefit yourselves a 
great deal more than you are doing if your Executive 
Government did not persist in their evil system, by 
which you derive some benefit, but by which we are 
destroyed. I say let the British public thoroughly under- 
stand this question, that by destroying us you will ulti- 
mately destroy yourselves. Mr. Bright knew this, and this 
is an extract from one of his speeches. He said, or to the 
effect : By all means seek your own benefit and your 
own good in connexion with India ; but you cannot 
derive any good except by doing good to India. If you 
do good to India you will do good to yourselves. He 
said there were two ways of doing good to yourselves, 
either by plunder or by trade. And he said he would 
prefer trade. Now, I will explain how it would benefit 
you. At the present time you are exporting to the 
whole world something like three hundred millions 
worth of your produce a year. Here is a country under 
your control with a population of three hundred millions 
of human souls, not savages of Africa. Here is India, 
with a perfectly free trade entire!} under your control, 
and what do you send out to her ? Only eighteen pence 
per year per head. If you could bend goods to the ex- 
tent of £\ per head per annum India would be a market 


INDIAN FAMINE RELIEF FUND. 


223 


for your whole commerce. If such were the case you 
would draw immense wealth from India besides benefit- 
ing the people. I say that if the British public do not 
rouse themselves the blood of every man that dies there 
will lie on their head. You may prosper for a time, but 
a time must come when you must suffer the retribution 
that comes from this evil system of government. What I 
quoted to you from Lord Salisbury explains the real 
condition of India. It is not the first time that English 
statesmen have declared this as absolutely as Lord Salis- 
bury has done. During the whole century Englishmen 
and statesmen of conscience and thought have time after 
time declared the same thing, that India is being exhaust- 
ed and drained, and that India must ultimately die. 
Our misery is owing to this exhaustion. You are draw- 
ing year by year thirty millions of our wealth from us 
in various ways. The Government of India’s resources 
simply mean that the Government is despotic and that it 
can put any tax it chooses on the people. Is it too much 
to ask that when we are reduced by famine and plague 
you should pay for these dire calamities ? You are 
bound in justice and in common duty to humanity to 
pay the cost of these dire calamities with which we are 
afflicted. I will conclude with Lord Salisbury’s other 
true words : “ Injustice will bring down the mightiest to 
ruin.” ( Great applause.') 


THE CONDITION OF INDIA. 




[ Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji delivered the following ad- 
dress on the “ Condition of India ” at Toynbee Hall , 
Commercial Street , Whitechapel , R., on Thursday night , 
January 31, 1901. Mr. R. B. S. Tanner was in the Chair . J 

Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji, who was cordially received, 
said : — Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, I feel very much 
obliged for having been invited to address this audience. 
Our subject is “ India,” but so large a subject cannot 
be dealt with in more than a passing manner in the time 
at our disposal. I will, however, try to put before you, 
in as brief a form as possible, some idea of the relations 
which exist between England and India. I think my 
best plan would be to try and strike a sort of balance 
between the good and evil influences of England in India, 
and let you understand really what your duty is towards 
India. One thing has been over and over again admit- 
ted — and was last admitted by Lord Curzon when he 
went out — that India is the pivot of the British Em- 
pire. If India is lost to the British Empire the sun 
of the British Empire will be set. The question is 
whether the responsibility devolving upon you on ac- 
count of this is realised by you. Beginningat the bene- 
fits which India has received, we are grateful for a good 
many things. In earlier days there was infanticide, but 
English character, English civilisation and English 
humanity caused an end to be put to this, and also to 
the practice of burning widows with their dead husbands. 
By means of this you have earned the blessing of many 


THE CONDITION OF INDIA. 


225 


thousands of those who have escaped death. Then there 
were gangs of people whose whole business it was to 
rob other people ; you put down those gangs and are, 
therefore, entitled to our gratitude. If there is one 
thing more than another for which Indians are grateful 
it is for the education you gave them, which enabled 
them to understand their position. Then naturally 
follow your other institutions — namely, free speech and 
a free Press. You have heard of the Indian National 
Congress ; at this Congress Indians from one end of 
India to the other meet together to discuss their political 
condition, to communicate with each other, and become, 
as it were, a united nation. This National Congress is 
naturally the outcome of the education and free speech 
which British rulers have given us ; the result is that 
you have created a factor by means of this education 
which has, up to this time, strengthened your power 
immensely in India. Before you gave them education 
Indians never understood what sort of people you really 
were ; they knew you were foreigners, and the treat- 
ment that they had received at your hands led them to 
hate you, and if they had remained of the same mind 
you would not have remained in India. This factor of 
education having come into play Indians aspired to 
become British citizens, and, in order to do so, thev 
became your loyal and staunch supporters. The Con- 
gress has for its object to make you understand your 
deficiencies in government, the redress of which would 
make India a blessing to you, and make England a 
blessing to us, which it is not, unfortunately, at present, 
I now come to what you consider the highest claim you 
have upon our gratitude, and that is, you have given us 
15 


226 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


security of life and property. But your government in 
India instead of securing our life and property is ac- 
tually producing a result the exact reverse. And this is 
what you have to understand clearly. The difficulty of 
Indians in addressing you is this, that we have to make 
you unlearn a great deal of nonsense which has been 
put into your heads by the misleading statements of the 
Anglo-Indian press. The way you secure life and pro- 
perty is by protecting it from open violence by anybody 
else, taking care that you yourselves should takeaway 
that property. (Laughter.) The security of life, were it 
not a tragic subject, would be a very funny one. Look 
at the millions that are suffering day by day, year after 
year, even in years of good harvest. Seven-eighths or 
nine-tenths of the people do not know what it is to have 
a full meal in a day. (Hear, hear.) And it is only when 
famine comes that your eyes are opened, and you begin 
to sympathise with us, and wonder how these famines 
come about. It is the Englishmen that go out to India 
that are in a sense the cause of these miseries. They 
go to India to benefit themselves. They are not the 
proper people to give the reasons for our misery. The 
greatest blessing that we thought had been bestowed 
upon us by Britain was contained in the Act of 1833 
to which we cling even in the face of every violation of 
that blessing. So long as we have the hope that that 
blessing will become a reality some day we shall be 
most desirous of keeping up the connexion with Eng- 
and. That greatest blessing is the best indication of 
your higher civilisation of to-day. The English have 
been in advance in the civilisation of humanity. The 
policy distinctly laid down in 1833 was that the Indians 


THE CONDITION OF INDIA. 


227 


were to be treated alike with the English, without dis- 
tinction of race or creed. (Hear, hear.) You may well 
be proud of that Act, but it was never carried out. 
Then the Mutiny took place, and you were the cause 
of it. After the Mutiny was put down you again em- 
phatically laid down that the Indian people were to be 
treated exactly like the British people, and there was 
to be no difference whatever in the employment of 
Indians and of Englishmen in the service of the Crown. 
These two documents have been confirmed twice since 
once on the occasion of the Queen assuming the title of 
Empress, and again on the occasion of the Jubilee. 
These are the documents — our charter — the hope and 
anchor upon which we depend and for which you can 
claim the greatest credit. The proclamation has been 
made before the world, praying God to bless it, and 
praying that our servants, the Executive to whom you 
trust the government, should carry out the wishes of 
the Sovereign, that is to say, of the people. As far as 
the policy laid down by the British people was concerned 
it is as good as we can ever desire. This promise, 
pledged by you in the most solemn manner possible 
has been a dead letter ever since. The result is the 
destruction of our own interests, and it will be the sui- 
cide of yours. The violation of those promises has pro- 
duced these results to us : First of all, the “ bleeding ” 

which is carried on means impoverishment to us the 

poorest people on the face of the earth — with all the 
dire, calamitous consequences of famines, pestilences 
and destruction. It is but the result of what you 
claim as the best thing that you have conferred upon 
us — security of life and property — starvation, as I have 


228 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


told ^ou, from one year’s end to another year’s end of 
seven-eighths of the population of the country, and 
something worse, in addition to the “ bleeding ” that is 
carried on by the officials of a system of government. 
To you, to England, the violation of these great pledges 
carries with it a certain amount of pecuniary benefit, 
and that is the only thing the Executive ever think of* 
But you must remember that the first consequence of 
such government is dishonour to your name. You in- 
flict injustice upon us in a manner most dishonourable 
and discreditable to yourselves ; by this mode of govern- 
ment you are losing a great material benefit which you 
would otherwise obtain. I will try to explain to you 
these points in as brief a manner as possible ; but espe- 
cially I would beg leave to draw attention to the great 
loss to the mass of the people of this country, which 
would otherwise have accrued to them. The best way 
I can put this before you is by giving you a comparison 
between two parts of the British Empire. Australia is 
at present before all of us. The Australian Common- 
wealth was formed on the first day of the first year of 
this century. The Australians have been increasing in 
prosperity by leaps and bounds. At the same time 
India, under this same rule, under the administration 
of men who are described and praised as the highest,, 
the most cultivated, and the most capable administrators 
of the present time — and also the most highly paid — 
is suffering from the direst famines and is the poorest 
country in the world. Let us consider Australia first. 
While in 1891 the population of Australia was four 
millions, the population of British India was two hund- 
red and twenty-one millions, and of all India two- 


THE CONDITION OF INDIA. 


229 


hundred and eighty-seven millions. Now these four 
millions of Australians are paying a revenue for the 
government of their country amounting to nearly <£8 
per head per annum. They can give this and are pros- 
perous, and will go on increasing in prosperity, with a 
great future before them. What is India capable of 
doing ? India can give at present, under great pres- 
sure, scarcely eight shillings per head per annum. You 
know that Australia has “ protection ” against you, 
and notwithstanding the “ door ” being shut against 
you, you are able to send to Australia British and Irish 
products, the result of your labour, to the extent of 
<£25,500,000 ; that is to say, something like seven 
pounds’ worth per head per annum. You do not send 
to India more than £30,000,000 altogether. That is 
to say, while you are sending something like seven 
pounds per head per annum to Australia, you do not 
-send half-a-crown’s worth of your British and Irish 
produce per head per annum to India. Ask yourselves 
this question. What is the result ? Why should you 
not derive good substantial profits from a commercial 
connexion with India ? The reason is simple. The people 
are so impoverished that the) 7 cannot buy your goods. 
Had your Government been such as to allow India to 
become prosperous, and to be able to buy your goods, 
let alone at the rate of seven, six, or five pounds per 
head — if India was allowed to enjoy its own resources 
and to buy from you one or two pounds’ worth of your 
produce, what do you think you would send to India ? 
Why, if you sent one pound’s worth of produce per 
head to India, you would send as much there as you 
now send to the whole world. You have to deal with a. 


230 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


people who belong as it were to the same race, who 
possess the same intelligence and same civilisation, and 
who can enjoy your good things as much as the 
Australians or anybody else. And if you could send 
one pound’s worth to them per head you need not go 
and massacre savages in order to get new markets 
(Laughter.) The mass of the people here do not under- 
stand what a great benefit there is for them in their 
connexion with India, if they would only do their duty, 
and compel their servants, the Executive, to fulfil the 
solemn pledges that the British nation has given to 
India. What I say, therefore, to you is that one of the 
consequences of the present system of government is an 
immense loss to yourselves. As it is at present, you are 
gaining a certain amount of benefit. You are “ bletding” 
the people, and drawing from their country something 
like thirty or forty millions a year. Ask yourselves, 
would you submit to such a state of things in this 
country for a single week ? And yet you allow a system 
of government which has produced this disastrous result 
to continue. You cannot obtain a farthing from Aus- 
tralia unless they choose to give it to you. In the last 
century you pressed the people of Bengal to such an 
extent that Macaulay said that the English were demons 
as compared with the Indians as men, that the English 
were wolves as compared with the Indians as sheep. 
Hundreds of millions of India’s wealth have been spent 
to form your British Indian Empire. Not only that 
but you have taken away from India all these years 
millions of its wealth. The result is obvious. You have 
become one of the richest countries in the world, and 
you have to thank India for it. And we have become 


THE CONDITION OF INDIA. 


231 


the poorest country in the world. We are obliged to pay 
each year a vast amount of wealth which you need for 
the salaries of, and the giving of benefits to, your mili- 
tary and civil servants. Not once, not twice, not ten 
times, and the affliction is over — but always. What was 
something like three millions at the beginning of the 
century has increased now to a tax of thirt}? - or forty 
millions. You would prosper by trading with us if you 
would only leave us alone instead of plundering us. Your 
plundering will be disastrous. If you would allow us to 
prosper so that we might be able to purchase one or two 
pounds’ worth of your produce per head, there would be 
no idle working classes in this country. It is a matter 
of the utmost importance for the working classes of 
England. If the connexion between England and India 
is to be a blessing to both, then consider what your duty 
and responsibility is as citizens of this great Empire. 
{Applause.) 


IX. 

THE CAUSE AND CURE OF FAMINE. 



\The following speech ivas delivered by Mr. Dadabhai 
Naoroji at the Pulpit of the Free Church , Croydon , on 
Sunday the 31s£ April 1901.] 

Mr. Naoroji, after expressing his gratitude for 
being invited to speak, and alluding to the sanctity of 
the place, said : — You have lately heard the result of 
the Census in India, and what an awful result it is. 
When you are told that something like 30 millions of 
people that ought to have been in India are not there, 
does it not disclose an awful state of things, sufficiently 
alarming to make one think and ponder over it ? Our 
close connexion, the many ties that bind us, must make 
you ask the question : Why is it that after 150 years 
of British rule, carried on by an administration whose 
efficiency has been lauded up to the skies, but whose 
expensiveness has been grinding down the people to the 
dust, the result of that British rule should be such as 
we see at the beginning of the twentieth century? The 
cause is not far to seek. We believed that under a 
nation which was renowned for its justice, honour and 
philanthropy, we would be better off than was possible 
under an Asiatic despotism. But our hopes had been 
rudely dispelled. Unfortunately, from the very earliest 
times, the action of Britain in India had been based 
upon greed. I would not dwell longer on this part of 
the subject at present, as it would not redound to the 


THE CAUSE AND CURE OF FAMINE. 


23a 


‘Credit of the British name. I would first rather say a 
few words on sorne of the great benefits that the British 
rule has conferred on us. 

Fortunately, or unfortunately, all the benefit that we 
have derived from the British connexion is from a study 
of the British character. The institutions which you have 
taken with you and introduced into our country would 
have borne golden fruits, and we should have reaped all 
the benefit as you have been doing here ; but to our mis- 
fortune we have been denied every bit of this good result. 
The system of government that has been adopted in that 
country is the root of all our misfortune and makes com- 
pletely nugatory your best efforts to further some of our 
highest welfare. Among the benefits of the British rule, 
if there is one thing more than another for which Indians 
are grateful, it is the education you have been giving 
them. It has enabled me to come here and to make known 
to you what my countrymen want me to tell you. It has 
laid the foundation of that structure which would one day 
be known to the world as united India. It has wiped off 
the first dividing line that kept Indians apart from one 
another. Formerly there was not a common language, no 
common vehicle of thought. The Bombay man did not 
understand a Bengal man, andaPuniabee was as unintelli- 
gible to a Madrasee as if he belonged to another country. 
But now English was the common language. All Indians 
now understand one another and freely interchange their 
ideas and views as to whether their common country has 
one hope, one fear, one aim, one future. 

You have, I dare say, heard of the Indian National 
Congress. At this Congress Indians from one end of the 
country to the other meet together to discuss their politi- 


234 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


cal condition, to communicate with each other and become 
as it were a united nation. The Indian National Congress 
is the recognised exponent of educated India. If India 
had been heterogeneous before, the Congress is the proof 
that it is advancing rapidly towards homogeneity. It was 
the education that you are giving us that first demolished 
the dividing line that separated us from one another and 
is nov/ welding us together into a nation. The Indians 
now stand up to tell you where your rule has been defec- 
tive. It is our duty to tell you so, for the welfare of us 
both depends upon a clearer and truer knowledge of that 
fact. 

The Civil Service of India which constitutes the 
Civil portion of the administrative machinery, and to which 
belong men of eminent talents and character, is anything 
but a blessing to us. The very abilities of these men, as 
1 will show you later on, are in the way of the progress 
and prosperity of the people. It is a most melancholy 
fact that after 150 years of connexion, after being govern- 
ed by men of such ability and integrity, the evil system 
of government that has been imposed on us should nullify 
your best efforts for our well being and bring your great 
possession to bankruptcy and ruin. 

I may warn you that I am not saying anything about) 
the Native States. I only want to speak about British 
India, namely, that part of India which is under your di- 
rect control. During the middle of the eighteenth century 
when the English had the revenue administration under 
the Native rulers of the day, from the very commence- 
ment of the connexion between England and India the 
system of Government adopted had been one of greed and 
injustice. Those who went there went with the sole ob- 


THE CAUSE AND CUKE OF FAMINE. 


236 


jeet of making fortunes, and so long as they accom- 
plished that they cared little what occurred to the people. 
The hard words with which I have characterised the early 
British rule are not mine. They were the words of the 
honourable Englishmen and Anglo-Indians who, for years, 
had been crying in the wilderness against the system 
under which India was ruled. In the last century the 
Court of Directors themselves and the Governor-General 
of the day wrote despatches in which they described acts 
of the grossest corruption and oppression, and abominations 
of every kind which were inflicted upon the poor Indian. 
Such cruelty towards the governed, and such corruption 
on the part of the Governor, as recorded in one of their 
minutes of those days, have been unknown in any country 
or at any age. 

These enormities gradually led to a careful considera- 
tion of the question of the policy which should guide the 
British in India. And it was then also that draining 
away of the wealth of India into England began, which 
has not only not ceased, but has increased with increasing 
years, wiping off millionsat a time, with an ever-increasing 
frequency. The drought was not the real cause of tho 
famine in these days, for if the people had no food in one 
place and they had money, they could buy what they 
wanted from elsewhere. This question of famines was for 
that reason becoming one of the burning questions of India 
and England, and it would grow one day into the biggest 
domestic question of the time, and would be the paramount 
question of the great British Empire. With India Eng- 
land must stand or fall. I would give you my authority 
for the statement. It was Lord Curzon — the nobleman 
who was now ruling India as "Viceroy for England — Lord 


'236 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


Curzon had said : “ If we lose our Colonies it does not 
matter, but if we lose India the sun of the British Empire 
will be for ever set.” No truer words were ever uttered. 
Without India England would be a third or fourth rate 
power. And this gradual deterioration of the country, now 
almost bordering on destruction, was noticed very soon 
after the British took India. There was a survey made 
of the country for nine years, from 1807 to 1816. The 
reports lay buried in the archives of the India House for 
a long time till they were unearthed by Mr. Montgomery 
Martin, who, in the course of a review of the reports, says, 
“ It is impossible to avoid remarking two facts as peculiar- 
ly striking, first, the richness of the country surveyed ; 
and second, the poverty of its inhabitants.” Against this 
continuous drain which has now all but deprived India of 
its life-blood he raised his warning voice in the early years 
of the last century. He said : “ The annual drain of 

three millions on British India has amounted in 30 years 
at 12 percent, (the usual Indian rate) compound interest 
to the enormous sum of 723 millions. So constant and 
accumulating a drain even in England would soon impover- 
ish her. How severe then must be its effect on India, 
where the wages of a labourer are from two pence to 
three pence a day ! ” 

The drain which at the beginning of the century was 
three millions now amounts to over 30 millions a year. 
Mahmood Ghuzni, who invaded and plundered India 18 
times, as historians say, could not make his whole booty 
so heavy as you take away in a single year ; and, what is 
more, the wound on India inflicted by him came to an 
end after the 18th stroke, while your strokes and the 
bleeding from them never end. Whether we live or die, 


THE CAUSE AND CURE OF FAMINE. 


237 


30 millions’ worth of produce must be annually carried 
away from this country with the regularity of the seasons. 
Heavy as the fine was which Germany inflicted upon 
France in the last Franco-German war, once the money 
counted down France was set at liberty to recoup herself. 
But in our case the bleeding never ceases. How was India 
treated even in the last famine? Eighty-five millions of 
people were affected by the famine directly, and many 
more were indirectly affected by it. Yet they were being 
called upon to find two hundred millions of rupees yearly 
to pay the salaries, pensions, etc., of the European officials,, 
military or civil, before they could have for their own 
enjoyment a single farthing of their own produce. And' 
if they only took the trouble to make the calculation it 
v/ould be discovered that India had had to pay thousands 
of millions for this purpose already. Was it to be wond- 
ered at then that India was falling and that the famines 
were becoming worse each time they recurred ? The fact 
was that now-a-days the slightest touch of drought neces- 
sarily caused a famine, because the resources of the country 
had been so seriously exhausted. It was only when a 
famine took place that any interest was excited in this 
country in India. As a matter of fact there was a chron- 
ic state of famine in India of which the people of this 
country knew nothing. And even in years of average 
prosperity and average crops scores of millions of Indians 
had to live on starvation diet, and did not know wTiat it 
was to have a full meal from year’s end to year’s end. It 
was only when a crisis like the present one was developed 
that the Government was forced to intervene, and to try 
to save the lives of the dying people by taxing these very 
people. The condition of India was an impoverished con- 


238 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


dition of the worst possible character, and one could hard- 
ly realise the poverty and misery in which scores of mil- 
lions of Indians lived. But if England were placed under 
a similar system of government, would its condition be any 
better ? No ! Even England, wealthy as she is, could not 
long stand the crushing tribute of a foreign yoke which, 
because we are a conquered nation, we are forced to pay. 
Suppose the French took this country, filled up all the 
higher posts, both civil and military, with their own people, 
brought French capital to develop our industries, carried 
away with them all the pr ofit of their investments, leaving 
to the natives of this country nothing more than the 
wages given to mere manual labourers ; suppose that, in 
addition to that, you had to pay a tribute (in deed 
though not in name) of 30 millions sterling every year 
to France ; why, even you, wealthy as you are, would be 
soon reduced to the wretchedness of our want and woe, 
to be periodically decimated by plague and famine and 
disease as we are. Now, put yourselves in our place and 
judge whether we are British subjects or British helots. 
Our misfortune is that our Anglo-Indian rulers do not 
understand our position. Even Lord Curzon, our 
Viceroy, said the other day, in the course of his speech 
at the Kolar goldfields, that we ought to be very grate- 
ful to the British people for developing these mining 
industries. But these millions of the Kolar goldfields 
belong to the British capitalist, who is simply exploiting 
our land and wealth, our share being that of the hewer 
of wood and drawer of water. 

How was the Indian Empire obtained by you ? It 
has been generally said that you have won it by the 
sword, and that you will keep it by the sword. You 


THE CAUSE AND CURE OF FAMINE. 


239 


have not won the Indian Empire by the sword. During 
these hundred and fifty years you have carried on wars 
by which this great Empire has been built up ; it has cost 
hundreds of millions of money. Have you paid a single 
farthing of it ? You have made the Indians pay every 
farthing. You have formed this great British Empire 
at our expense, and you hear what reward we have 
received from you. The European army in India at any 
time was comparatively insignificant. In the time of the 
Indian Mutiny you had only forty thousand troops 
there. It was the two hundred thousand Indian troops 
that shed their blood and fought your battles and that 
gave you this magnificent Empire. It is at India’s cost 
and blood that this Empire has been formed and main- 
tained up to the present day. It is in consequence of 
the tremendous cost of these wars and because of the 
millions on millions you draw from us year by year that 
India is so completely exhausted and bled. It is no 
wonder that the time has come when India is bleeding 
to death. You have brought India to this condition by 
the constant drain upon the wealth of that country. I 
ask anyone of you whether it is possible for any nation 
on the face of the earth to live under these conditions. 

Do not believe me as gospel. Study for yourself ; 
study whether what I have stated is right, and, then, 
whether the result is logical. And the result, as re- 
vealed by the last census, is that thirty millions of human 
beings are not where they ought to have been. But in 
spite of such a gloomy outlook I do not despair. I be- 
lieve in the inherent notions of justice and humanity of 
the British people. It is that faith which has hitherto 
sustained me in my lifelong work. In the name of 


240 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


justice and humanity then, I ask you why we to-day, 
instead of being prosperous as you are, are the poorest 
and most miserable people on the surface of the earth. 
Like India, Australia is a part of the British Empire, 
and, unlike it, prosperous. Why is it that one part of 
the Empire should be so prosperous and the other 
dwindle down and decay ? Our lot is worse even than 
that of the slaves in America in old days, for the 
masters had an interest in keeping them alive, if only 
they had a money value. But if an Indian died, or if 
a million died, there was another or there were a mil- 
lion others ready to take his or their places and to be 
the slaves of the British officials in their turn. Who 
was responsible for all this ? You reply, “ What more 
can we do ? We have declared that India shall be 
governed upon righteous lines .” Yes, but your ser- 
vants have not obeyed your instructions, and theirs was 
the responsibility, and upon their heads was the blood 
of the millions who were starving year by year. 

The principle and policy that you laid down for the 
government of India is contained in the Act of 1833, 
which we reckon as our Magna Charta. There is one 
clause in it which admits us to full equality with you 
in the government of our country. Referring to this 
clause, one of the men who were responsible for passing 
this Act, Lord Macaulay, said : — 14 I allude to that wise, 
that beneficent, that noble clause which enacts that no 
Native of our Indian Empire shall by reason of his- 
colour, his descent, or his religion, be incapable of hold- 
ing office.” This generous promise which held out hopes 
of equal employment to all, which did away with dis- 
tinctions of creed and colour, has remained to this day 


THE CAUSE AND CURE OF FAMINE. 


241 


a dead letter. This promise was repeated over and over 
again. Nothing could be plainer, nothing more solemn, 
than the Queen’s Proclamation of 1858, when the Crown 
took the country from the hands of the East India 
Company, and from which Proclamation I will read to 
you only three clauses : — 

“ We hold ourselves bound to the Natives of our Indian 
territories by the same obligations of duty which bind us to all 
our other subjects, and those obligations, by the blessing of 
Almighty God, we shall faithfully and conscientiously fulfil.” 

“ And it is our further will that, so far as may be, our sub- 
jects, of whatever race or creed, be freely and impartially ad- 
mitted to offices in our service, the duties of which they may be 
qualified by their education, ability, and integrity, duly to dis- 
charge.” 

“ In their prosperity will be our strength, in their content- 
ment our security, and in their gratitude our best reward. And 
may the God of all power grant to us, and to those in authority 
under us, strength to carry out these our wishes for the good 
of our people.” 

But all these promises and pledges have remained a 
dead letter to this day. The violation of the promise 
of the Act of 1833 is the first step, the keeping to this 
day inoperative the pledges contained in the Procla- 
mation of 1858 is the second step, towards unrighteous- 
ness. Indians are kept out from their share of the ad- 
ministration of their own affairs just as much to-day as 
before the passing of that Act. Some of the most emi- 
nent statesmen here have drawn your attention to your 
wrong doing. Mr. Bright pointed out the gross and 
rank injustice of not holding simultaneous examinations 
both in India and England ; and in this connexion the 
late Lord Derby, when Lord Stanley, once asked in the 
House of Commons, how they would like to send out 
their children to India for two or three years to qualify 
themselves for, and pass, examination there for employ- 
16 


242 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


ment here. The highly expensive Military and Civil 
Service which is foisted on our poor land we can neither 
afford to keep nor do we need. If the country ever 
rebelled, the hardly thirty thousand civilians dotted 
amongst a hostile horde of about three hundred millions 
would be the first to suffer. The safest policy and the 
truest statesmanship was voiced in our Sovereign’s Pro- 
clamation when she said “ in their contentment will be 
our security.” While you here lay down in plain and 
unmistakable language the charter that would raise us 
and endow us with the power, privilege and freedom 
of British citizens, your servants in India make that 
charter a dead letter, deny to us those powers and 
privileges and freedom which you have empowered them 
to give to us, and we are made to feel that we are not 
British subjects, but British helots. Here, under reason- 
able conditions, almost every man has a vote ; there two 
hundred and fifty millions of us have not one. Our 
Legislative Council is a farce, worse than a farce. It was 
generally believed that this Council gave to the 
Indian people something like what they in England 
enjoyed in the way of representative government, 
and that by those means the people of India 
had some voice in their own government. This 
was simply a romance. The reality was that the Legisla- 
tive Council was constituted in such a way as to give to 
-the Government a complete and positive majority. The 
three or four Indians who had seats upon it might say 
what they liked, but what the Government of India de- 
clared was to become law did invariably become the law 
of the country. In this Council the majority, instead of 
being given by the people, was managed and manipulated 


THE CAUSE AND CURE OF FAMINE. 243 

by the Government itself. But matters were even worse 
than this. The expenditure of the revenues was one of 
the most important points in the political condition of 
any country, but in India there was no such thing as a 
Legislative Budget. The representative members had no 
right to propose any resolution or go to any division upon 
any item concerned in the Budget, which was passed 
simply and solely according to the despotic will of a des- 
potic Government. The natives of India had not the 
slightest voice in the expenditure of the Indian revenues, 
and the idea that they had was the first delusion on the 
part of the voters of England of which they cannot be 
disabused too soon. 

But this most solemn farce of preaching and proclaim- 
ing the most righteous Government for us, and at the 
same time not restraining your servants from practising 
what is exactly the contrary, is not confined to our Legis- 
lative Council. The right of our own men to take part 
in the government of their country as soon as by their 
character and education they should give evidence of their 
fitness to do so, has been repeatedly granted by the British 
public and Parliament, but it has as often been defiantly 
denied to us by your disobedient servants in India. One 
of the means by which this boon could be given us was 
by holding examinations for the Indian Civil Service simul- 
taneously in India and in England. But this privilege, 
though recommended for the last time by a Resolution of 
the House of Commons so recently as 1893, is yet denied 
to us. As early as 1860 a Commission made up of five 
Members of the Council of the Secretary of State was 
appointed to consider this question of simultaneous exami- 
nations, and this is what they said : — 


244 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


Practically the Indians are excluded. The law declares 
them eligible, but the difficulties opposed to a Native leaving India 
and residing in England for a time are so great, that, as a general 
rule, it is almost impossible for a Native successfully to compete 
at the periodical examinations held in England. Were this in- 
equality removed, we should no longer be exposed to the charge 
of keeping promise to the ear and breaking it to the hope. 

I will give only one more opinion of a former Gover- 
nor-General, the representative of his Sovereign in India. 
Lord Lytton, referring to this same question of holding 
simultaneous examinations, said in a confidential minute 

The Act of Parliament is so undefined, and indefinite obli- 
gations on the part of the Government of India towards its 
Native subjects are so obviously dangerous, that no sooner was 
the Act passed than the Government began to devise means for 
practically evading the fulfilment of it. Under the terms of the 
Act, which are studied and laid to heart by that increasing class 
of educated Natives whose development the Government en- 
courages without being able to satisfy the aspirations of its exist- 
ing members, every such Native, if once admitted to Government 
employment in posts previously reserved to the Covenanted Service, 
is entitled to expect and claim appointment in the fair course of 
promotion to the highest post in that Service. We all know 
that these claims and expectations never can or will be fulfilled. 
We have had to choose between prohibiting them and cheating 
them ; and we have chosen the least straightforward course. 
The application to Natives of the competitive examination 
system as conducted in England, and the recent reduction in the 
age at which candidates can compete, are all so many deliberate 
and transparent subterfuges for stultifying the Act, and reducing 
it to a dead letter. Since I am writing confidentially, I do not 
hesitate to say that both the Governments of England and India 
appear to me up to the present moment unable to answer satisfac- 
torily the charge of having taken every means in their power of 
breaking to the heart the words of promise they had uttered to 
the ear. 

Even on comparatively lower grounds than that of 
justice and truth you ought to revise and reform the 
Government of India. You are a commercial people. 
What you gain by trading with us, if I go into figures, 
that alone will tell you how poor we are. Australia, with 
~bout six millions of people, buys about 25 millions worth 


THE CAUSE AND CURE OF FAMINE. 


245 


of articles of you per year ; while we, with a population 
fifty times over again, hardly manage to buy even thirty 
millions. You sell to us per head of population only 
eighteen pence per year; if we were rich enough (and to 
make us rich or poor entirely rests with you) to buy only 
one pound per head per year, you could have sold to us 
alone 300 millions worth of goods, which is your annual 
trade with the whole of the world. The subject of a 
Native Prince in India is richer than a British subject 
and buys more of your goods. You launch into expensive 
wars in South Africa and elsewhere to create a market, 
while here in your own Empire you have a market ready 
on hand, the largest, the most civilised, the most thickly 
peopled portion of that Empire. 

I now must conclude. I hope this cruel farce, the 
present system of Government which is at the root of all 
our evil and suffering, should for your sakes, for the sake 
of justice and humanity,* be radically changed. The edu- 
cated classes at home are throwing in their whole weight 
on the side of the continuance of our connexion. This 
connexion is a blessing to us if you would only see that it 
be made, as you intended your servants to make it, a 
blessing to us ; ponder over it, think what is your duty, 
and perform that duty. 


BRITISH DEMOCRACY AND INDIA- 


[ A meeting was held at the North Lambeth Liberal 
Club on Thursday evening , July 4, 1901, at which Mr . 
Dadabhai Naoroji delivered the following address on 
“ British Democracy and India.” The chair was taken 
at nine o'clock by Colonel Fordf\ 

Mr. Naoroji, who was cordially received, said 
Mr. Chairman, Ladies, and Gentlemen, I feel very great 
pleasure in being permitted to address you to-night. I 
propose at the outset to explain to you what the condi- 
tion of India is in order that you may the better under- 
stand the relations which exist between that country and 
England. In the first place, I will tell you what has- 
been repeatedly laid down as the policy to be pursued to- 
wards India. In 1833, this policy was definitely decided 
and embodied in an Act of Parliament, and it was a 
policy of justice and righteousness. It provided that no 
Native of India, nor any natural-born subject of His 
Majesty resident therein, should by reason only of his 
religion, place of birth, descent, or any of them, be dis- 
abled from holding any place, office, or employment 
under the Company. That is to say, that all British 
subjects in India should be treated alike, and merit 
alone should be the qualification for employment. The 
Indian people asked nothing more than the fulfilment 
of this policy, but from that day to this no such policy 
has been pursued towards India. A similar declaration of 
policy was made in the most solemn manner after the 


BRITISH DEMOCRACY AND INDIA. 247 

Mutiny. The Queen’s Proclamation addressed to India 
at that time in 1858, stated as follows : — 

“ We hold ourselves bound to the Natives of our Indian 
territories by the same obligations of duty which bind us to all 
our other subjects, and those obligations, by the blessing of 
Almighty God, we shall faithfully and conscientiously fulfil. . . 

. . And it is our further will that, so far as may be, our 

subjects, of whatever race or creed, be freely and impartially ad- 
mitted to offices in our service, the duties of which they may be 
qualified, by their education, ability, and integrity, duty to dis- 
charge. ... . When, by the blessing of Providence,, 

internal tranquility shall be restored, it is our earnest desire to 
stimulate the peaceful industry of India, to promote works of 
public utility and improvement, and to administer the government 
for the benefit of all our subjects resident therein. In their 
prosperity will be our strength, in their contentment our security, 
and in their gratitude our best reward. And may the God of 
all power grant to us and to those in authority under us strength 
to carry out these our wishes for the good of our people.” 

Such was the solemn pledge that was ma.de to India. 
But where is the fulfilment ? The same distinction of 
race and creed exists in India now as ever existed. That 
pledge so solemnly made half a century ago has never 
been carried out. One would have thought that their 
sense of honour would have prompted the Executive to 
fulfil this pledge, but such has not been the case. These 
pledges and declarations of policy have been to us dead 
letters. {Shame.) This then is the first thing you have 
to know. What has been the result of the system of 
government administered in India ? The result has been 
to bring the country to a state of poverty and misery 
unknown elsewhere throughout the world. This result 
has been accomplished by the constant draining of India’s 
wealth, for, let it be known that we have to produce 
every year something like twenty million pounds by our 
labour and our produce and hand this over to the 
English before we can utilise a single farthing’s worth 


248 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


ourselves. This draining has been going on for years and 
years with ever-increasing severity. We are made to 
pay all the expenditure in connexion with the India 
Office, and every farthing that is required to keep up the 
Indian Army, even though this latter is supported for 
England’s own use in order to maintain her position in 
the East and elsewhere. If you want to maintain your 
position in the East, by all means do so, but do it at 
your own expense. ( Hear , hear.) Why should India be 
charged for it ? Even if you pay half of the cost of your 
Indian Army we shall be satisfied and pay the other half 
ourselves. Every farthing of the cost of the wars by 
which your British-Indian Empire was formed has been 
paid by us, and not only was this the case, but that Em- 
pire, be it remembered, was secured to you by Indian 
blood. It was Indian soldiers who shed their blood in 
the formation of the Indian Empire, and the reward that 
we get is that we are treated as the helots of the British 
people. India is the richest country in the world in 
mineral and other wealth, but owing to the constant 
drain you have put upon our resources, you have 
brought our people to a state of exhaustion and poverty. 
At the beginning of last century the drain on Indian 
produce amounted to about five million pounds per 
annum ; now, it has increased to something like thirty 
million pounds. Each year thirty millions sterling are 
exacted from India without any return in any material 
shape. {Shame.) Of this tremendous sum, however, 
part goes back to India, but not, mark you, for the 
benefit of the Indian people. It goes back under the 
name of British capital, and is used by British capitalists 
to extract from the Indian soil its wealth of minerals, 


BRITISH DEMOCRACY AND INDIA. 


249 


which wealth goes to enrich the English alone. And 
thus India is bled, and has been bled ever since the 
middle of the eighteenth century. India produces food 
enough for all her needs and to spare. How is it then 
that so many of her people die for want of it ? The 
reason is simple. So exhausted are the people, and so 
heavily has the continued bleeding told upon their re- 
sources that they are too poor to purchase food, and, 
therefore, there is chronic famine in good years and in 
bad years. Do not think that famines only occur when 
you in England hear of them. You only hear of the 
very severest of them. One hundred and fifty millions 
of your fellow-subjects do not know what it is to have 
one full meal a day. What would be the position of 
England if she were left to feed on her own resources ? 
She does not produce a quarter of the food required to 
feed her people. It is only because England is a rich 
country, thanks largely to India, and can, therefore, buy 
the produce of other countries that her people are kept 
from starving. Compare this with the condition of 
India. She produces more than she requires, and yet 
through their poverty her people are unable to buy food, 
and famine is the consequence as soon as a drought 
occurs. And now we come to the main point of my 
lecture. On whose shoulders does the responsibility 
for the present miserable condition of things in India 
rest ? It rests on the shoulders of the British demo- 
cracy, and I will tell you how. One elector in England 
has more voice in the government of his country than 
the whole of the Indian people have in the government 
of their country. In the Supreme Legislative Council 
in India there are only four or five Indians, and what 


250 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


power can so few have in that assembly ? The Govern- 
ment appoint their own Executive Council, and it takes 
care that the few Indian members of the Legislative 
Council have no real voice in the management of their 
own country. A Tax Bill comes before the Council, 
and these Indian members have not the slightest power to 
vote, make a motion, or suggest an amendment. If they 
do not vote for it the Government turn round and say 
“ look at these Indians; do they think the Government 
can be carried on without taxation? the} 7 are not fit to 
govern.” The fact is the Tax Bill is brought into the 
Council only to receive its formal sanction. No chance is 
given for discussion or amendment. These few Indians 
have to join with the other members of the Council in 
taxing their countrymen, without any voice in the expen- 
diture of that taxation. Their power in fact is nil. Eco- 
nomically and politically India is in the worst possible 
position. The British public are responsible for the burdens 
under which India is groaning. The democracy is in 
power in this country, and it should understand something 
of our suffering, because it has suffered itself. We appeal 
to you to exercise your power in making your Government 
carry out its solemn pledges, If you succeeded in doing 
this, the result would be that the Empire would be streng- 
thened and benefit would be experienced by yourselves 
as well as by India. India does npt want to sever her 
connexion with England, but rather to strengthen that 
connexion. I wish to point out that unless ? the British 
democracy exercise their power in bringing to India a 
better state of things, the whole responsibility for our 
suffering will lie at their door. I therefore appeal to you 
to do ^our duty and relieve us from the deplorable miseries 
from which we are suffering. {Cheers.) 


XI. 

INDIA UNDER BRITISH RULE. 


[ The folloiving speech was delivered by Mr. Dadabhai 
Naoroji at the annual dinner of the London Indian Society 
22 nd March 1902. ] 

I can hardly express in adequate terms what I feel at 
the generous manner in which my health has been pro- 
posed and the cordial reception which you have given to 
the toast. I feel it very deeply. (Rear, hear.) Talking of 
my views towards British rule I wish to say that they have 
been largely misunderstood. The pith of the whole thing 
is that not only have the British people derived great 
advantage from India but that the profit would have been 
more than ten times as great had that rule been conducted 
on the lines of policy laid down by Act of Parliament. It 
is a pity as much for England herself as for us that that 
policy has not been carried out, and that the matter has 
been allowed to drift in the old selfish way in which the 
Government was inaugurated in earlier times. When I 
complain, I am told sometimes very forcibly, that the con- 
nexion of Britain with India is beneficial to India herself, 
I admit that it might be, and it is because of that that I 
urged over and over again that the connexion should be 
put upon a righteous basis- — a basis of justice and liberality. 
It has been proved by the fact of the coming into existence 
of a body like the Indian National Congress that the Bri- 
tish connexion might be made more beneficial, and I believe 
that if you fail to direct the force of that movement into 
proper channels the result will be most disastrous, for it, 
must ultimately come into collision with British rule. It 
does not require any great depth of consideration to see 


252 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


that. It has been repeatedly admitted by every statesman 
of consequence that the welfare of India depends upon the 
contentment of the people, and that that contentment can- 
not exist unless the people feel that British rule is doing 
them good, is raising their political status, and is making 
them prosperous. (Hear, hear.) The fact is quite the 
Reverse, and it is no use denying that the system which 
ha3 existed in India is one which has been most foolish; it 
has neither increased Indian prosperity nor raised her 
political status. If only you could make her truly imperial 
and unitedly in favour of British rule I defy a dozen 
Russias to touch India or to do the slightest harm to the 
Empire. (Cheers.) Mr. Caine has expressed regret that 
Indian troops were not sent to South Africa. It is quite 
true you cannot expect to maintain a great Empire unless 
you use all its imperial resources, and among those imperial 
resources there are none so important and so valuable as 
the resources of India in physical strength and in military 
genius and capability. There you will find that, by a simple 
stamp of the foot on the ground, you can summon millions 
of men ready to fight for the British Empire. We only 
want to be treated as part and parcel of the Empire, and 
we ask you not to maintain the relationship of master over 
helot. We want you to base your policy on the lines 
already laid down by Act of Parliament, proclaimed by 
the late Queen, and acknowledged by the present Emperor, 
as the best and truest policy towards India for the sake of 
both countries. Unless that is done the future is not very 
hopeful. As far as I am concerned I have ever expressed 
my faith in the British conscience. As far back as 1853, 
when the first political movement was started in India, 
and when associations were formed in Bombay, Calcutta^ 


INDIA UNDER BRITISH RULE. 


253 


and Madras in order to petition Patliament with regard 
to improvements necessary to be made in the Company’s 
Charter, I expressed my sincere faith in the British 
people, and said I was convinced that if they would 
only get true information and make themselves ac- 
quainted with the realities of India they would fulfil 
their duty towards her. That faith, after all the vicissi- 
tudes and disappointments which have marked the last half 
century, I still hold. If we only do our best to make the 
British people understand what their duty is, I venture to 
prophesy that England will fhave an Empire the like of 
which has never before existed, an Empre of which any 
nation may well be proud. {Cheers.) After all, India is 
the British Empire. The colonies are^simply so many sons 
who have set up establishments of their own, but who 
retain their affection for the mother country, but India is 
an Empire which, if properly cultivated, will have a won- 
drous success. All we want is that there shall be a true 
loyal, and real attachment between the people of the two 
countries. I am glad to see you young men around me. 
I and the older men who have worked in this movement 
are passing away. We began the work, we had to grope 
in darkness, but we leave you a great legacy, we leave you 
the advantages of the labours of the hundreds of us during 
the last 50 years, and if you only study the problem 
thoroughly, if you spread over the United Kingdom the 
true merits and defects of British rule you will be doing a 
grat work both for your own country and for England. I 
rejoice at having had something to do in that direction. I 
have stuck to my own view that it would be good for 
India if British rule continues. But it must not be the 
British rule which has obtained in the past ; it must be a 
rule under which you treat us as brothers, and not as 
helots. (Loud cheers.) 


XII. 

THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS- 



[ The following speech was delivered by Mr. Dadahbai 
Naoroji at a remarkable gathering at Westminster Palace 
Hotel which assembled in November 1904, in order to give 
a send off to Sir Henry Cotton on the eve of his departure * 0 
India to preside at the' Twentieth Indian National Congress 
at Bombay .] 

The Chairman : I have now to propose the toast of 
the evening our good guests Sir Henry Cotton and Sir 
William Wedderburn. {Cheers.) I may first take the 
opportunity of expressing on behalf of the Indians here 
our deep regret at the death of Mr. Digby and of Lord 
Northbrook. I need not say much about them. There 
are three Viceroys who have left their names impressed 
on the minds of the Indian people with characteristic 
epithets. Those three are Mayo, “the good,” Northbrook, 
et the just,” and Ripon, “ the righteous.” {Cheers.) Two 
have passed away, but we hope the third may live long 
Onough to seethe realisation of his desires for the promo- 
tion of the happiness of the people of India. {Hear, hear. ) 
We are met together to honour our two friends-— Sir Henry 
Qotton and Sir William Wedderburn. The question 
haturally arises : Why is it that we Indians ask English 
gentlemen to go out to India — to preside at the Indian 
National Congress, and to help at it? Have we in our 
yanks no men capable of doing the work ? Cannot we help 
purselves? Those questions are natural, and they require 
an answer. Again it may be asked, what is it that the 


THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS. 


255 


Indians want, and by what means do they desire to 
accomplish their end? I do not propose to describe what 
India wants in my own words, or in the words of any 
Indian. I propose, instead, to give you a few sentences 
from the writings of an Anglo-Indian whose father and 
grandfather have been in the service for over 60 years, who 
himself has been over 35 years in the service, and whose 
son is now in it. I refer to our guest Sir Henry Cotton. 
{Cheers.) He is as patriotic as any Englishman can be. He is 
proud of the service to which he belongs, and in his official 
capacity he has carefully weighed the position of the 
Indians at the present time. I will read you a few sen- 
tences from his lately-published book, “ New India,” and 
they will give you an idea of what India wants. He says: 
“ There can be no doubt that English rule in its present 
form cannot continue. The leaders of the National move- 
ment assume, and assume rightly, that the connexion 

between India and England will not be snapped 

It is a sublimer function of Imperial dominion to unite 
the varying races under our sway into one Empire ‘ broad- 
based upon the people’s will ’ ... to afford scope to their 
political aspirations, and to devote ourselves to the peace- 
ful organisation of their political federation and autono- 
mous independence as the only basis of our ultimate 
relationship between the two countries.” Again, taking 
another point, Sir Henry Cotton writes on the drain of 
taxes from India to England: “Taking these (all drain 
from India to England in various shapes) into considera- 
tion, it is a moderate computation that the annual drafts 
from India to Great Britain amount to a total of thirty 
millions. .... It can never be to the advantage of the 
people of India to remit annually these enormous sums to 


256 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


a foreign country Lord Curzon has very forcibly 

said, in a speech delivered by him in November, 1902, at 
Jaipore : ‘ There is no spectacle which finds less favour 
in my eyes, or which 1 have done more to discourage, 
than that of a cluster of Europeans settling down 
upon a Native State and sucking from it the 
moisture which ought to give sustenance to its own 
people’.” He adds : “ Lord Curzon has lost sight of 

the fact that what is true of the Native States is [true of 
the whole of India The keynote of adminis- 

trative reform is the gradual substitution of Indian for 
European official agency. This is the one end towards 
which the educated Indians are concentrating their efforts. 
The concession of this demand is the only way by which 
we can make any pretence of satisfying even the most 
moderate of their legitimate aspirations. It is the first 
and mcst pressing duty the Government is called on to 
discharge. It is necessary as an economic measure. But 
it is necessary also on higher grounds than those of econo- 
my. . . . The experiment of a * firm and resolute 

government ’ in Ireland has been tried in vain, and the 
adoption of a similar policy in India is inevitably destined 
to fail.” Next, Sir Henry gives an extract from the cele- 
brated speech of Lord Macaulay in 1833 : — “It may be 
that the public mind of India may expand under our system 
till it has outgrown our system ; that by good government 
we may educate our subjects into a capacity for better 
government — that having become instructed in Euro- 
pean knowledge, they may in some future age demand 
European institutions. Whether such a day will ever come 
I know not. But never will I attempt to avert or retard 
it. Whenever it comes it will be the proudest day in 


THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS* 


257 


English history,” Next there is an extract from Mounts 
stuart Elphinstone, in 1850: — “ But we are now doing our 
best to raise them in all mental qualities to a level with 
ourselves, and to instil into them the liberal opinions in 
government and policy which have long prevailed in this 
country and it is vain to endeavour to rule them on princi- 
ples only suited to a slavish and ignorant population.” On 
this Sir Henry Cotton remarks : “ The experience of more 
than half a century since they were written merely con- 
firms their truth.” And after these I propose to give only 
one other extract, and to read just one sentence from 
Burks, who says : “ Magnanimity in politics is not seldom 
the truest wisdom, and a great Empire and little minds 
go ill together. We ought to elevate our minds to the 
greatness of that trust to which the order of Providence 
has called us.” Now, these extracts which I have read to 
you explain what Indians ask for. Their wishes are embodi- 
ed in the language of an Anglo-Indian, but I accept them 
as a very fair expression of our views. {Cheers.) The 
question is : How is this to be accomplished ? There are 
only two ways of doing it — either by peaceful organisation 
or by revolution. It must, be done either by the Govern- 
ment, itself or by some revolution on the part of the people. 
It may be asked what do our present reformers want, and 
which of these two policies they desire to adopt. I will 
give a direct answer to that. [Hear, hear.) In the year 
1853, as far as I know the first attempt was made 
by Indian politicians or by Indians to form a political 
organisation and to express in words their wishes 
and demands. That was the period of the renewal 
of the East India Company’s Charter, and three 
associations were then formed : one in Bombay, an- 

17 


258 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


other in Calcutta, which is still in existence, and a third in 
Madras. The fundamental principle on which they based 
their whole action was contained in the words used by Sir 
Henry Cotton — that the connexion between England and 
India will not snap. That was the foundation of their 
action in 1853, when they made their first attempt at 
political organisation. As I have said, the British India 
Association at Calcutta is still in existence ; that in 
Bombay was succeeded by the Bombay Presidency Associa- 
tion, and that in Madras by the Madras Mahajana Sabha. 
All along they have gone on the same principle, that the 
connexion between England and India will continue. In 
the evolution of time, as we know, the Indian National 
Congress came into existence, twenty years ago, and I may 
say that it is the best product of the most beneficial influence 
of the connexion between England and India. This unique 
phenomenon of different races and different peoples in a 
large continent containing an area equal to Europe (Russia 
excluded), and embracing quite as many different nation- 
alities, coming together to consider proposals for the 
amelioration of the condition of the people of India and 
giving expression to their views and aspirations in the 
noble English language, is a product of which the British 
people may well be proud. The next Congress will be the 
twentieth, and, I repeat, that from the very beginning the 
principle acted upon has been a continuance of the policy 
adopted by the earlier Associations to which I have 
referred — the continuance of the connexion between 
England and India. Then the question is : How are we 
going to carry out that policy ? The only way in which the 
desired change can be brought about is, in our opinion, by 
a peaceful organisation, as Sir Henry Cotton has described 


THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS. 


259 


it : it must be effected by the Government itself. {Cheers.) 
Why is it that the Indian National Congress and we 
Indians here have solicited Sir Henry Cotton and Sir 
William Wedderburn to go out to India to assist at the 
twentieth Congress ? The answer is simply this : that if 
these reforms are to be carried out at all, they are entirely 
in the hands of the English people. The Indians may cry 
aloud as much as they like, but they have no power 
whatever to bring about those reforms — the power is 
entirely in the hands of the English people and of the 
English Government, and our ideas and hopes can meet 
with no success unless we get men like Sir Henry Cotton 
and Sir William Wedderburn and others to help us to 
prove to the Indian people that they need not yet despair, 
for the British conscience is not altogether lost yet — 
{hear, hear) — and, on the other hand, to persuade the 
British people to dc that which is right and just. 
We Indian people believe in one thing, and that is 
that although John Bull is a little thick-headed, once we 
can penetrate through his head into his brain that a 
certain thing is right and proper to be done, you 
may be quite sure that it will be done. {Cheers.) The 
necessity, therefore, of English help is very great — [hear, 
hear ) — and we want English gentlemen to go out to India, 
not in their twos and fours, but in their hundreds, in 
order to make the acquaintance of Indians, to know their 
character, to learn their aspirations, and to help them to 
secure a system of self-government worthy of a civilised 
people like the British. {Cheers.) On this Occasion we 
Indians have invited a number of English gentlemen to 
come and sympathise with us in giving a good send-off to 
our two guests, and it is a most gratifying fact that there 


260 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


has been so cordial a response to our invitation, and that 
we have here gentlemen like Mr. Courtney, Mr. Lough, 
Mr. Frederic Harrison, and others. We cannot in the 
face of this, but hope that good days are coming, and we 
should never despair. Mr. Courtney was a member of a 
Royal Commission of which I was also a member. We 
agreed, and we disagreed. But what was his line of 
action all through ? He displayed a spirit of fairness 
in the consideration of every question which came 
before the Commission. {Hear, hear.) Mr. Lough has 
long been helping us, and when I was a member of 
the House of Commons I always found him a staunch 
and good friend of India in the House, while outside 
he has always accepted our invitations to help us where- 
ever possible. Mr. Frederic Harrison has also been a 
great source of strength to our cause. I am sorry 
Mr. Hyndman is not here. He has been for twenty-six years 
a steady friend of the amelioration of the condition of India, 
and we hope that after the next General Election we may 
have his valuable support in the House of Commons. I 
appeal to every Englishman, for his own patriotism and for 
the good of his own country, as well as ours, if he wishes 
the British Empire to be preserved, to exert himself to 
persuade the British people that the right course to be 
adopted towards India is one worthy of British civilisa- 
tion — worthy of those great days in the thirties — the days 
of emancipation, of the abolition of slavery, and of the 
amelioration of many forms of human suffering. It was 
in the year 1833 that we got our great Charter — the 
Charter confirmed by the Proclamation of 1858. We ask 
for nothing more than the fulfilment of the pledges con-, 
tainedinthat Charter. Those are our demands as put 


THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS. 


261 


forward by Sir Henry Cotton, and I can only say that 
they constitute a reversion to the policy of 1833 — a policy 
embodied in promises which, had they been fulfiled in 
their entirety, would have resulted in their meeting that 
day being of an entirely different nature — they would 
have been proclaiming their gratitude, instead of pleading 
to the English to reverse their policy and introduce one 
worthy of their name and civilisation. {Cheers.) As 
Macaulay had declared : “ It was to no purpose if they were 
free men and if they grudged the same freedom to other 
people.” ( Hear , hear.) I therefore appeal to every English- 
man, for the sake of his own patriotism, as well as for the 
cause of humanity — for all reasons good and beneficent — to 
reverse their policy towards India and to adopt one worthy 
of the British name. I was one of those who started the 
Bombay Association in 1853, and from that time until 
now I have always been a worker in the cause. {Cheers.) 
My principle has been from the beginning based on the 
necessity of the continuance of the connexion between 
England and India. I hope I may hold that view to the 
end of my life. I am bound, however, to mention one 
fact, and I will do so without comment. Leaving aside 
the general system of government, which we condemn, 
there have been during the past six or seven years repres- 
sive, restrictive, and reactionary methods adopted, and 
there has been, further, a persistence in the injustice of 
imposing upon India the burden of expenditure incurred 
for purely Imperial purposes. What I want to point out 
is that the rising generation of Indians may not be able to 
exercise that patience which we of the passing and past 
generations have shown. A spirit of discontent and dissatis- 
faction is at present widely spread among the Indians in 


262 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOKOJI. 


India, and I wish our rulers to take note of that fact and 
to consider what it means. An Empire like that of India 
cannot be governed by little minds. The rulers must 
expand their ideas, and we sincerely hope that they will 
take note of this unfortunate circumstance and will adopt 
measures to undo the mischief. [Cheers.) In the name of 
my Indian friends I thank the guests who have accepted 
our invitation, and I now call upon Sir Henry Cotton to 
respond to the toast. 


XIII. 

ENGLAND’S PLEDGES TO INDIA. 


[The following speech was delivered by Mr. Dadabhai 
Naoroji in 1904 at the Wesley Hall , Clapham Parkj\ 

On Tuesday evening last Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji, can- 
didate for North Lambeth, addressed a meeting under the 
auspices of the J. P. Heath Lodge of the Sons of Temper- 
ance, at the Wesley Hall, Clapham Park, on “ British 
Buie in India : Promises and Performances.” There was, 
considering the unpleasant character of the weather, an 
excellent attendance, and the audience followed with 
marked interest Mr. Naoroji’s eloquent pleading for his 
oppressed countrymen, while they also appreciatively 
watched the magic lantern views which vividly presented 
varied aspects of Indian manners, customs, and architec- 
ture. The views wei'e graphically explained by Mr. J. C. 
Mukerji, and the lantern was manipulated by Mr. W. 
Harnner Owen. The chair was occupied by Mr. Mason, 
who, in briefly introducing Mr. Naoroji as the Grand Old 
Man of India, explained that although the Sons of 
Temperance formed a friendly society, the members were 
always glad to keep themselves in touch with the topics of 
the day, and hence their invitation to Mr. Naoroji to 
address them. 

Mr. Naoroji, who was loudly cheered, said that in 
order to understand thoroughly the subject he was an- 
nounced to lecture upon, and in order to realise the full 
significance of British promises and performances in In dia, 


264 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


it was necessary he should narrate a few of the historical 
facts which led to the promises being given. British rule 
in India at its inception was one marked by greed, oppres- 
sion, and tyranny of every kind — so much so that even the 
Court of Directors of the East India Company was horri- 
fied at what was going on. That was the first fact to be 
borne in mind. The second was that subsequent to the 
rise of the British Empire in India all war expenditure 
incurred in connexion with India, and by means of which 
the Empire had been built up, had been paid out of Indian 
resources entirely, and the bloodshed which was the neces- 
sary accompaniment of war was mainly Indian. In the late 
Transvaal war Great Britain lost thousands of her sons and 
spent nearly 250 millions sterling, and the people of 
this country consequently had brought forcibly home to 
them what war meant, but in India, while the British 
claimed all the glory and reaped all the benefits, the 
burdens of war were borne by the Natives. India, had, in 
fact, cost Great Britain nothing in money and very little 
in blood. But its wealth had thereby been exhausted ; 
it had become impoverished, and it had further been 
subjected to a system of government under which every 
Indian interest was sacrificed for the benefit of the 
English people. The system of corruption and oppression 
continued until at last the British Government was 
shamed by it. Anglo-Indians of high position in the 
service had again and again denounced the system in the 
most scathing terms, but it would suffice for his present 
purpose to remind them that Edmund Burke pointed out 
how every position worth having under the Government 
was filled by Europeans, to the absolute exclusion of 
Natives. The result was that there was a constant and 


ENGLAND’S PLEDGES TO INDIA. 


265 


most exhausting drain of Indian wealth. Even in those 
days it was estimated that the official remittances to 
England amounted to three millions sterling, and the 
capacity of the people to produce went on diminishing, 
until it was now only about £ 2 per head, as compared 
with £ 40 per head in Great Britain. This country, too, 
enjoyed the benefit of its wealth circulating at home, 
while India laboured under the disadvantage that what 
it produced was sent to England, and it got nothing in 
■return. She was, in fact, deprived of wealth without 
mercy year after year, and, in addition to the official 
remittances home, to which he had already referred, the 
servants of the Government sent heme, privately, an 
almost equal sum, which they themselves obtained from 
the Natives on their own account. In the early part of 
last century there was a Government enquiry every 20 
years into the administration of the East India Compai^, 
and these at last proved so effective that the statesmen of 
the day began to realise the responsibilities and duty of 
England to India, and to seriously discuss what should 
be Great Britain’s policy. It was in 1833 that they got 
the first pledge, and in that year a clause was inserted in 
the Charter of the East India Company providing that 
in the service of the Government there should be 
no distinction raised of race, creed, or colour, but that 
ability should be the sole qualification for employment by 
the State. That was the first promise, made to the people 
of India in the name of the people of the United King- 
dom, and it was embodied in an Act of Parliament. Had 
it been faithfully and loyally carried out, the existing 
state of affairs in India would have been vastly different, 
and it would not have been necessary for him to go about 


266 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


the country complaining of the dishonour and disgrace 
of England, and of the enormity of the evils of British 
rule. The first promise was made in 1833, the period 
at which the British were rising to their highest glory 
in civilisation, an era of emancipation of all kinds, from 
the abolition of slavery onwards. Macaulay himself de- 
clared that he would be proud to the end of his life of 
having taken part in preparing that clause of the Charter, 
and clearly the policy of the statesmen of that day was 
to extend to India the freedom and liberty which Eng- 
land enjoyed. But 20 years passed, and not the slightest 
effect was given to the clause : it remained a dead letter, 
as if it had never been enacted, and the policy of greed 
and oppression continued to obtain in the government of 
India. In 1853, the East India Company’s Charter was 
again revised, and in those days Mr. John Bright and 
Lord Stanley (afterwards Lord Derby) urged strongly 
that the service should be open to all and not reserved 
exclusively for Europeans — for the nominees and friends 
of the Directors of the Company. They contended, too, 
for the holding of simultaneous examinations in India 
and England, but it was without avail. Then came the 
Mutiny of 1857, and after that had been suppressed,, 
the statesmen of Great Britain were again forced to con- 
sider what should be the policy of this country in India. 
The administration of India was taken over from the 
Company, and the Proclamation which was issued was 
drawn up by Lord Derby, at the special request of Queen 
Victoria, in terms of generosity, benevolence, and religious 
toleration, such as might well be used by a woman sover- 
eign speaking to hundreds of millions of a people the 
direct government of whom she was assuming after a 


ENGLAND’S PLEDGES TO INDIA. 


26 7 


bloody civil war. Nothing could have been more satisfac- 
tory than the promise embodied in that Proclamation, and 
the Indian people heartily blessed the name of Queen 
Victoria for the sympathy she always evinced towards her 
Indian subjects. This Proclamation constituted the second 
pledge — it was a promise to extend British institutions 
to India, to, in fact, give them self-government, it re- 
affirmed the promise of the Charter of 1833, and it 
declared that her Majesty held herself bound to the 
Natives of her Indian territories by the same obligations 
of duty as bound her to all her other subjects. Indians 
were, in fact, to become true British subjects, with all 
the rights and privileges of British subjects, and the 
government of the country was to be administered for 
the benefit cf all the people resident therein ; for, con- 
cluded the Proclamation, “ in her prosperity will be our 
strength, in her contentment our security, and in 
her gratitude our best reward.” This had well been 
called “ India’s Greater Charter.” It was everything they 
desired. But, unfortunately, it, too, had remained a dead 
letter up to the present time, and to the great and bitter 
disappointment of the people of India the promises therein 
contained had not been faithfully and honorably fulfilled. 
In defiance of the Proclamation, every obstacle had been 
placed in the way of Natives obtaining admission to posts 
under the Government, the efforts of men like Mr. John 
Bright, Lord Derby, and Mr. Fawcett to secure the holding 
of simultaneous examinations in England and India had 
been frustrated. In 1870, no doubt, an effort was made 
by Sir Stafford Northcote, and later on by the Duke of 
Argyll, to give effect to the promise of admission of 
Natives to the service, but it was defeated by the action 


268 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


of the Indian Government. A Native service was estab- 
lished, but it was made entirely distinct from the Euro- 
pean service — a distinction which was never intended — ■ 
and it was so arranged that it was bound to prove a 
failure. Appointments to it were made by nomination, 
not by examination ; back-door i(?bbery took the place of 
the claims of ability, and naturally, at the end of ten 
years, the service was abandoned because it had never 
answered. In 1877, on the proclamation of Queen Victoria 
as Empress of India, Lord Lytfcon issued another Procla- 
mation in the name of Queen Victoria reiterating the pro- 
mises contained in her former Proclamation, but again the 
pledge was violated. At the Jubilee in 1887 there was a 
renewal of the promise, again to be followed by its being 
utterly ignored ; while, later on, a resolution of the British 
House of Commons in favour of the holding of simultane- 
ous examinations in India and England was carried by 
Mr. Herbert Paul, in spite of the opposition of the Gov- 
ernment, and that too had been ignored. Thus, they had a 
long series of solemn promises made to the ear but abso- 
lutely violated in spirit and in letter, to the great dis- 
honour and disgrace of Great Britain. Eminent states- 
men and officials had frequently admitted the breaking of 
these pledges. A Committee appointed by the then Secre- 
tary for India unanimously reported in 1860 that the Bri- 
tish Government had been guilty of making promises to 
the ear and breaking them to the hope ; and that the only 
way in which justice could be done to Indians was by hold- 
ing simultaneous examinations in England and India, of 
the same standard and on the same footing, instead of forc- 
ing Indians to go to London at an expense of thousands of 
pounds in order to secure admission to the Government 


ENGLAND’S PLEDGES TO INDIA. 


269 


service. In 1870, the Duke of Argyll declared : “ We 
have not fulfilled our duty or the promises and engage- 
ments we have made”; later, Lord Lytton made the con- 
fession that deliberate and transparent subterfuges had 
been resorted to in order to reduce the promise of the 
Charter of 1833 to a dead letter ; and that the Gov- 
ernments of England and of India were not in a 
position to answer satisfactorily the charge that they 
Lad taken every means in their power to break 
to the heart the promises they had made to the ear. The 
Duke of Devonshire, in 1883, asserted that if India was 
to be better governed it was to be done only by the 
employment of the best and. most intelligent of the 
Natives in the service ; while, finally, the late Lord 
Salisbury described the promises and their non-fulfilment 
as “ political hypocrisy.” That was a nice description 
indeed of the character of the British rule in India ; it 
was an admission that the conduct of the British Govern- 
ment in India had been disgraceful. But let them not 
forget that the promises were made by the British Sove- 
reign, the British Parliament, and British people, of their 
own free will, while the disgrace for their non-fulfilment 
attached solely to the British Government, which by its 
refusal to act had sullied the honour of the British 
people. Two of the greatest offenders in this respect had 
been Lord George Hamilton and Lord Curzon, both of 
whom had very unpatriotically introduced most reaction- 
ary measures, and had pursued a mischievous policy which 
had resulted in the gravest injury to the Indian Empire 
and the British people. Lord George Hamilton, whose 
object surely should have been to make the people attach- 
ed to British rule, had openly declared that it never 


■270 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


would be popular with them ; while Lord Curzon had done 
his very utmost to make it unpopular. He was going 
back to that country for a second term of office as Viceroy 
but the suggestion that the people would welcome his re- 
appearance was falsified by the authoritative expression 
of the best Native opinion, and his continuance in the 
office of Viceroy could only be productive of serious 
injury, both to England and to India, What had been 
the result of the non-fulfilment of this long series of pro- 
mises 2 The system of greed and oppression still obtained 
in the Government of India ; the country was being 
selfishly exploited for the sole benefit of Englishmen ; it 
was slowly but surely being drained of its wealth, for no 
country in the world could possibly withstand a drain of 
from 30 to 40 millions sterling annually, such as India 
was now subjected to ; its power of production was 
diminishing, and its people were dying of hunger by the 
million. The responsibility for all this rested upon British 
rule. What was the remedy ? Not the mischievous, re- 
actionary policy now being pursued by Lord Curzon, but 
the taking of steps to transform and revolutionise in a 
peaceful manner the present evil and disastrous system of 
government, so as to enable the people themselves to take 
their full and proper share in the administration of the 
affairs of their country. Lord Curzon had described India 
as the pivot of the British Empire. India could not be 
content with the present state of affairs, and he earnestly 
appealed to the people of Great Britain to themselves 
compel the Government to redeem the promises so often 
made, and to secure for India real self-government, subject, 
of course, to the paramountcy of Great Britain, {Cheers.) 


XIV. 

THE LEGACY OF LORD CURZON’S REGIME. 


[4 great meeting of Indians resident in the United 
Kingdom was held in May 1905 at the Caxton Hall , West- 
minster, to protest against Lord Curzon's aspersions upon 
the Indian people and their sacred writings , and against the 
reactionary legislation that has characterised his adminis- 
tration. Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji presided and made the 
following speech\ : — 

We are met together to-day for a very important 
purpose. A unique event has happened, showing signifi- 
cantly a sign of the times. We have had in India a 
great uprise, and in the chief towns there have been held 
monster meetings of Indians, denouncing and protesting 
against the sayings and doings of the highest authority 
there, making a protest in clear, unmistakable terms 
against the policy under which India is ruled. It is, 
indeed, a unique event. I, at any rate, do not remem- 
ber anything similar having ever taken place in the 
history of British India. The Indians have very un- 
animously, very earnest^, and very emphatically de- 
clared that the system of rule they are now under 
should not continue to be. ( Loud cheers.) Let us 
consider what that means. More than 50 years ago — • 
I will not go back to an earlier period of our history — 
Mountstuart Elphinstone said : — 

It is in vain to endeavour to rule them (the Indians) on prin- 
ciples only suited to a slavish and ignorant population. 

And 40 years after — in the last 10 or 12 years — 
we find, not only a continuance of the same old system, 


272 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOKOJI. 


but we find ifc brought to bear on the people with even 
more energy and more vigour. (“ Shame .”) Soma 
11 years ago Sir Henry Fowler distinctly and decidedly 
showed us that India was to be governed on the princi- 
ples condemned by Elphinstone, for, by his conduct in 
refusing to give effect to the resolution regarding simul- 
taneous examinations, passed in 1893, he proved that it 
was intended to continue the same evil system under 
which the country had been governed so long. Then 
followed Lord George Hamilton as Secretary of State, 
and what did he tell the whole world ? He said : — 

Our rule shall never be popular. Our rule can never be 
popular. 

These were his own words, in one of his early 
speeches, and he has taken very good care that his pro- 
phecy shall be fulfilled. But his doings were not so 
serious as Lord Curzon’s, although he managed to go 
quietly on issuing regulation after regulation with the 
object of depriving Indians as far as possible of an 
opportunity of making any further progress. But then 
comes Lord Curzon, and he out-Herods them all. In 
the first resolution you have enumerated a number of 
his measures — and noc a complete list, for there are 
some more of them — which he passed with the declared 
and clear intention of continuing to govern India only 
on principles suitable to slavish and ignorant populations. 
Here, then, we have a clear and distinct issue. Our 
rulers — the officials — tell us we shall have no chance of 
ever becoming a self-governing country — that they will 
not give us an opportunity of preparing ourselves for it. 
Undoubtedly, the character of the whole of the mea- 
sures passed within the last 10 years points towards such 
an intention, and to the retraction of the generous mode 


THE LEGACY OF LORD CURZON’S REGIME. 273 


which was adopted on some occasions in the time of 
Lord Ripon. Now, the Indian people have, for the first 
time, risen up and declared that this thing shall not be. 
(Loud cheers.) Here is a clear issue between the rulers 
and the people : they are come face to face. The rulers 
say : “ We shall rule, not only as foreign invaders, with 
the result of draining the country of its wealth, and 
killing millions by famine, plague, and starving scores of 
millions by poverty and destitution.” While the ruled 
are saying for the first time, “ That shall not be.” I 
regard the day on which the first Calcutta meeting was 
held as a red-letter day in the annals of India. {Cheers.) 
I am thankful that I have lived to see the birthday of 
the freedom of the Indian people. ( Renewed cheers.) 
The question now naturally arises, what will be the 
consequences of this open declaration of war — as you 
may call it — between the rulers and the people ? I will 
not give you my own opinions or my own views. Anglo- 
Indian officials, who have told us that persistence in the 
present evil system of government will lead to certain 
consequences. Sir John Malcolm, a well-known Governor 
of Bombay, who had a very distinguished career as a 
political agent and as an official, after describing the 
system that obtained in the government of India, prophe- 
sied what would be the necessary consequences, and 
said 

44 The moral evil to us does not stand alone. It carries 
with it its Nemesis : the seeds of the destruction of the 
Empire itself.’ ’ 

Again, Sir Thomas Munro said : — 

It would be more desirable that we should be expelled from 
the country altogether, than that the result of our system of 
government should be such an abasement of a whole people. 

18 


■«214 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOKOJI. 


Bright spoke on many occasions, always de- 
nouncing the existing system of government. He always 
regarded it as an evil and a disgraceful system, and, 
after describing the system, he wound up with these 
words : — 

You may rely upon it that if there be a judgment of 
nations — as I believe there is — as for individuals, our children, 
in no distant generations, must pay the penalty which we have 
purchased by neglecting our duty to the populations of India. 
......I say a Government like that has some fatal defect which 

at some distance time, must bring disaster and humiliation to 
the Government and to the people on whose behalf it rules. 

Sir William Hunter, you know, was a very distin- 
guished official, and while he spoke as favourably as he 
possibly could of the existing system, he did not fail 
to point out the evil part of it, and he summed up one 
of his lectures in these words : — 

We should have had an Indian Ireland multiplied 50-fold 
on our hands. 

Again, Lord Cromer — ( cheers ) — said : — 

Changes should be taking place in the thoughts, the desires, 
and the aims of the intelligent and educated men of the country, 
which no wise and cautious Government can afford to dis- 
regard, and to which they must gradually adapt their system of 
administration, if they do not wish to see it shattered by forces 
which they have themselves called into being, but which they 
have failed to guide and control. 

Then, Lord Hartingfcon, when Secretary for India, 
pointed out that the exclusion of Indians from the 
government of their own country could not be a wise 
procedure on the part of the British people, as the only 
consequence could be to 

make the Indians desirous of getting rid, in the first in- 
stance, of their European rulers. 

I have read to you only these four or five opinions 
of men of position— of high position in the Government, 
and of official Anglo-Indians — opinions to the effect that 


THE LEGACY OF LORD CURZON’S REGIME. 275 


if the present evil system is to continue the result will be 
to bring disaster to the British Empire — that, in fact, 
the British Empire in India will vanish. That is the 
position in which we are at the present time, under an 
evil system of rule. Either that evil system must cease 
or it must produce disastrous results to the British Em- 
pire itself. (Cheers.) The issue before us is clear. Is 
India to be governed on principles of slavery or is she to 
be governed so as to fit herself as early as possible to 
govern herself ? 

* * % * 

Anyone who reads the items enumerated in the first re- 
solution will see that Lord Curzon has set himself most 
vigorously and most earnestly to the task of securing that 
Indians shall be treated as slaves, and that their country 
shall remain the property of England, to be exploited and 
plundered at her will. (“ Shame .”) That is the task 
to which Lord Curzon has set himself with a vigour 
worthy of a better cause. Now, that being the case, 
there is a duty on the Indians themselves. (Cheers.) 
They have now broken the ice ; they have declared that 
they will not be governed as slaves ; and now let them 
show a spirit of determination, for, I have very little 
doubt that, if the British public were once satisfied that 
India is determined to have self-government, it will be 
conceded. I may not live to see that blessed day, but 
I do not despair of that result being achieved. (Cheers.) 
The issue which has now been raised between the 
governors and the governed cannot be put aside. The 
Indian people have as one body and in a most extra- 
ordinary way, risen for the first time to declare their 
determination to get an end put to the present evil sys- 


276 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


tem of rule. ( Cheers .) Now, 1 come to the first part 
of the first resolution — the aspersions and attacks Lord 
Curzon has thought proper to make — in, I am afraid, a 
little spirit of peevishness — against the character and 
religion of the East. I do not need, however, to enter 
into any refutation of what he has said, for the simple 
reason that, as far as I am concerned, 1 performed that 
task 39 years ago, when Mr. Crawford, the President 
of the Ethnological Society, wrote a paper full of the 
very same ignorant and superficial charges. I replied 
to that, and I find that the Oriental Review of 
Bombay has reprinted my reply for the present occasion. 
{Cheers.) There are one or two other aspects of the 
matter I should like to dwell upon. It is very strange 
Anglo-Indian officials should throw stones in this matter. 
Let us have some enquiry about the manner in which 
the British Government have behaved towards India. 
Again, I will not give you my own views or ideas. I 
will give you those of Englishmen themselves — of men 
of the very highest authority. A Committee was formed 
in the year 1860, of five members of no less a body than 
the Council of the Secretary of State, in order to en- 
quire what the Government cf the day should do with 
regard to the Act of 1833, by which all disqualification 
of race and creed was abolished. This Committee of five 
men — all high Anglo-Indian officials, who had done 
much work in India, and whose names were all well- 
known, gave a very decided opinion that the British 
Government had exposed itself to the charge of “ hav- 
ing made promises to the ear and broken them to the 
hope.” This was in 1860. In 1869, the Duke of Argyll 
clearly acknowledged what had been the conduct of the 


THE LEGACY OF LORD CURZON’S REGIME. 211 


British Government towards the Indian people in these 
words : — 

I must say that we have not fulfilled our duty or the promises 
and engagements which we have made. 

That does not look very like sincerity and righteous- 
ness on the part of the British Government. {Cheers.) 
Then comes Lord Lytton. Something like 18 years after 
the Committee had given their opinion — an opinion of 
which we knew nothing because the report was pigeon- 
holed — Lord Lytton, in a private despatch to the Secre- 
tary of State, used these words : — 

No sooner was the Act (1833) passed, than the Government 
began to devise means for practically evading the fulfilment of 
it .... all so many deliberate and transparent subterfuges for 

stultifying the Act, and reducing it to a dead letter ] do not 

hesitate to say that both the Government of England and of India 
appear to me, up to the present moment, unable to answer satis- 
factorily the charge of having taken every means in their power of 
breaking to the heart the words of promise they had uttered to the 
ear. 

Lastly, no less a personage than Lord Salisbury sum- 
med up the whole thing in two words. He declared that 
the conduct of the British Government to the Indian people 
was “ political hypocrisy.” It does not, then, lie very well 
in the mouth of Anglo-Indian officials to talk of lapses of 
Indian character and morality. (Cheers.) They forgot 
that they themselves had a very large beam in their own 
eyes when they were pointing to a little mote which they 
fancied was in the eyes of others. ( Renevied cheering.) 

They ought to remember that they are living in glass 
houses, and should not throw stones. The next aspect of 
Lord Curzon’s charges on which I wish to speak is this : 
He does not seem to realise the responsibility of the posi- 
tion in which he has been placed. He is there represent- 
ing the Sovereign of the Empire — as Viceroy or Second 


278 SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 

King — the head of a great people, 300 millions in number, 
who had possessed civilisation for thousands of years, and at 
a time when his forefathers were wandering in the forests 
here. {Cheers and laughter.) He had a special mission. 
His duty as Viceroy is to attract as much as possible and 
to attach the good feeling of the Indian people to the 
rule of the British Sovereign. What does he do ? By 
his acts he deals a deadly blow to British rule, and then, 
by a peculiarly ignorant and petulant speech, he creates 
almost a revolution in the whole of the Empire. It is 
really very strange that he should do so. But I am not 
Surprised at what he has done, and I will give you the 
reason why. But, first, I will certainly mention one cir- 
cumstance in his favour and to his credit. As we all know, 
he made a very firm stand against any brutal treatment of 
the Indian people by Europeans, and, in so doing, caused 
dissatisfaction to his own countrymen. In that he really did 
a service, not only to Indians, but to the whole British 
Empire. {Cheers.) That one act of his shall not be for- 
gotten by Indians, for it shov/ed his sense of the justice 
he as a Viceroy should exercise. ( Renewed cheering .) But 
by all the acts a,nd measures mentioned in the first 
resolution he has tried to Russianise the Indian Adminis- 
tration, and with that narrow statesmanship with which 
he has all along associated himself, he has forgotten that 
while Russianisir.g the Indian administration, he is 
Russianising also the people of India, who live at a dis- 
tance of 6,000 miles from the centre of the Empire, and 
who, consequently, are in a very different position from 
the Russians themselves, who are struggling against their 
own Government in their own country. ( Hear , hear.) It 
is remarkable that Lord Curzon, when he was first appoint- 


THE LEGACY OF LORD CURZON’S REGIME. 279 


ed Viceroy, said that India was the pivot of the British 
Empire, that if the Colonies left the British Empire it 
would not matter much, whereas the loss of India would 
be the setting of the sun of the Empire. What does he 
do ? How does he strengthen that pivot ? One would 
think he would put more strength, more satisfaction, and 
more prosperity under the pivot, but, instead of that, he 
has managed to deposit under it as much dynamite as he 
possibly can — dynamite in the form of public dissatisfac- 
tion, which, even in his own time, has produced the 
inevitable explosion. Surely, that is a remarkable way of 
strengthening the connexion between the British and the 
Indian peoples. But, as he had said, he was not surprised 
at the Viceregal career of Lord Curzon : he was only dis- 
appointed and grieved that the fears he entertained when 
Lord Curzon was appointed had been fulfilled. It had 
been a great disappointment to him, because he had hoped 
against hope for something better. The announcement of 
his appointment was made in August, 1898, and in the 
following September he wrote to a friend in these 
terms : — - 

I am hoping against hope about Mr. Curzon, for this reason. 
Lord Salisbury was at one time not a little wild. When he came 
to the India Office he seemed to have realised his responsibility, 
and proved a good Secretary of State, as things go — at least, an 
honestly outspoken one. Will Curzon show this capacity ? That 
is to be seen. 

My disappointment is that he did not show thi s 
capacity, and did not realise the responsibility of his 
position — he did not know how to govern the Indian 
Empire. I will not take up more of your time. The 
crisis has come ; the people and the rulers are face 
to face. The people have for 150 years suffered 
patiently, and, strange to say, their patience has been made 


280 


SPEECHES OF DADABHAI NAOROJI. 


a taunt as well as viewed as a credit to them. Often I 
have been taunted with the fact that 300 millions of 
Indians allow themselves to be governed like slaves by a 
handful of people. And then it is stated to their credit 
that they are a law-abiding, civilised, and long-suffering 
people. But the spell is broken. (Cheers.) The old days 
have passed, and the Indian of to-day looks at the 
whole position in quite a different light. New India 
is becoming restless, and it is desirable that the Govern- 
ment should at once realise it. I hope that the next 
Government we have will reconsider the whole position, 
and will see and understand the changes that have taken 
place in the condition, knowledge, and intelligence of the 
Indian people. (Cheers.) I hope that steps will be taken 
more in conformity with the changes that have taken place, 
and that things will not be allowed to go on in their pre- 
sent evil wajT-, to the detriment of the Empire itself as well 
as the suffering of the people. (Loud cheers.) 


PART II. 

Drtdnbt)ni JJooroji’s iJDritings. 

ADMINISTRATION AND MANAGEMENT 
OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE * 

Dear Lord Wei by, — 1 beg to place before you and 
other Members of the Commission a few notes about the 
scope and importance of its work. 

The Reference consists of two parts. The first is : 
To enquire into the Administration and Management 
of the Military and Civil Expenditure incurred under the 
authority of the Secretary of State for India in Council, 
or of the Government of India.” 

This enquiry requires to ascertain whether the 
present system of the Administration and Management 
of Expenditure, both here and in India, secures suffi- 
ciency and efficiency of services, and all other satisfactory 
results, at an economical and affordable cost; whether there 
is any peculiar inherent defect, or what Mr. Bright called 
“ fundamental error ”t in this system ; and the necessity 
or otherwise of every expenditure. 

I shall deal with these items as briefly as possible, 
simply as suggestively and not exhaustively : — 

“ Sufficiency.” — The Duke of Devonshire (then, 
1883, Lord Hartington) as Secretary of State for India 
has said + : “ There can in my opinion be very little 
doubt that India is insufficiently governed.” 

Sir William Hunter has said § : “ The constant de- 

* Submitted by Mr. Naoroji to the Welby Commission, 
October 1895. 

+ Speech in House of Commons, 3/6/1853. 

t /&., 23/8/83. 

§ “ England’s Work in India,” p. 131, 1880. 


282 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 

raand for improvement in the general executive will 
require an increasing amount of administrative labour.” 

“ Efficiency It stands to reason that when a 
country is “ insufficiently governed,” it cannot be effici- 
ently governed, however competent each servant, high 
and low, may be. The Duke of Devonshire assumes as 
much in the words, “ if the country is to be better 
governed.” So does Sir William Hunter : “ If we are 
to govern the Indian people efficiently and cheaply.” 
These words will be found in the fuller extracts given 
further on. 

“ Economical and Affordable Cost.” — The Duke of 
Devonshire has said * : “ The Government of India 

cannot afford to spend more than they do on the ad- 
ministration of the country, and if the country is to be 
better governed, that can only be done by the employ- 
ment of the best and most intelligent of the Natives in 
the Service.” 

Sir William Hunter, after referring to the good 
work done by the Company, of the external and internal 
protection, has said f But the good work thus com- 
menced has assumed such dimensions under the Queen’s 
Government of India that it can no longer be carried on, 
or even supervised by imported labour from England 
except at a cost which India cannot sustain,” . . . I 

“ forty years hereafter we should have had an Indian 
Ireland multiplied fifty-fold on our hands. The condi- 
tion of things in India compels the Government to enter 
on these problems. Their solution and the constant 
demand for improvement in the general executive, will 

^ House of Commons, 23/8/1883. 
t “ England’s Work in India,” p. 130. 


ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 283 


require an increasing amount of administrative labour. 
India cannot afford to pay for that labour at the English 
rates, which are the highest in the world for official 
service. But she can afford to pay for it at her own 
Native rates, which are perhaps the lowest in the world 
for such employment.” “ You cannot work with im- 
ported labour as cheaply as you can with Native labour, 
and I regard the more extended employment of the 
Natives not only as an act of justice but as a financial 
necessity.” “ The appointment of a few Natives annually 
to the Covenanted Civil Service will not solve the prob- 
lem. .... If we are to govern the Indian people effi- 
ciently and cheaply, we must govern them by means of 
themselves, and pay for the Administration at the market 
rates of Native labour.”* 

“ Any Inherent Defect.” : — Mr. Bright saidf : — “ I 
must say that it is my belief that if a country be found 
possessing a most fertile soil and capable of bearing every 
variety of production, and that notwithstanding the people 
are in a state of extreme destitution and suffering, the 
chances are there is some fundamental error in the govern- 
ment of that country.” f| 

I take an instance : Suppose a European servant 

draws a salary of Its. 1,000 a month. He uses a portion 
of this ior all his wants, of living, comfort, etc., etc. All 
this consumption by him is at the deprivation of an Indian 
who would and could, under right and natural circum- 
stances, occupy that position and enjoy that provision. 
This is the first partial loss to India, as, at least, the 
services enjoyed by the Europeans are rendered by Indians 

* “ England’s Work in India,” pp. 118-19. 

t House of Commons, 3/6/1853., 


284 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


as they would have rendered to any Indian occupying the 
position. But whatever the European sends to England 
for his various wants, and whatever savings and pension he 
ultimately, on his retirement, carries away with him, is a 
complete drain out of the country, crippling her whole 
material condition and her capacity to meet all her wants — 
a dead loss of wealth together with the loss of work and 
wisdom — i. e ., the accumulated experience of his service* 
Besides, all State expenditure in this country is a dead 
loss to India. 

This peculiar inherent evil or fundamental error in 
the present British Indian administration and management 
of expenditure and its consequences have been fortold more 
than a hundred years ago by Sir John Shore (1787) : 

“Whatever allowance we make for the increased industry of 
the subjects of the State, owing to the enhanced demand for the 
produce of it (supposing the demand to be enhanced), there is 
reason to conclude that the benefits are more than counterbalan- 
ced by evils inseparable from the system of a remote foreign 
dominion.” * 

And it is significantly remarkable that the same in- 
herent evil in the present system of administration and 
management of expenditure has been, after nearly a hun- 
dred years, confirmed by a Secretary of State for India. 
Lord Randolph Churchill has said in a letter to the 
Treasury (1886) + : 

“The position of India in relation to taxation and the sources 
of public revenue is very peculiar, not merely from the habits of 
the people and their strong aversion to change, which is more 
specially exhibited to new forms of taxation, but likewise from the 
character of the government, which is in the hands of foreigners 
who hold all the principle administrative offices and form so large 
a part of the Army. The impatience of the new taxation which 
will have to be borne wholly as a consequence of the foreign rule 
imposed on the country, and virtually to meet additions to charges 

* Parliamentary Return 377 of 1812. Minute, para 132. 

t Par. Return [c.4868], 1886. 


ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 285 

arising outside of the country, would constitute a political danger 
the real magnitude of which it is to be feared is not at all appreci- 
ated by persons who have no knowledge of or concern in the 
government of India, but which those responsible for that govern- 
ment have long regarded as of the most serious order.” 

Lord Salisbury, as Secretary of State for India, put 
the same inherent evil in this manner : “ The injury is 

exaggerated in the case cf India, where so much of the 
revenue is exported without a direct equivalent.” And he 
indicates the character of the present system of the 
administration and management of expenditure as being 
that India must be bled.” * I need not say more upon 
this aspect of the inherent evil of the present system of 
expenditure. 

“ The necessity or otherwise ” of any expenditure is 
a necessary preliminary for its proper administration and 
management, so as to secure all I have indicated above. 
You incidentally instanced at the last meeting that all ex- 
penditure for the collection of revenue will have tc be 
considered — and so, in fact, every expenditure in both 
countries will have its administration, management and 
necessity, to be considered . 


The second part of the Reference is “ The apportion- 
ment of charge between the Governments of the United 
Kingdom and of India for purposes in which both are 
interested.” 

What we shall have to do is, first to ascertain all the 
purposes in which both countries are interested by examin- 
ing every charge in them, and how far each of them is re- 
spectively interested therein. 

In my opinion there are some charges in which the 


* Par. Return [c. 3086-1], 1881, p. 144. Minute, 29/4/75. 


2 86 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


United Kingdom is almost wholly or wholly interested. 
But any such cases will be dealt with as they arise. 

After ascertaining such purposes and the extent of 
the interest of each country the next thing to do would be 
to ascertain the comparative capacity of each country, so as 
to fix the right apportionment according to such extent of 
interest and such capacity. 

I shall just state here what has been already admitted 
to be the comparative capacity by high authorities. Lord 
Cromer (then Major Baring), as the Finance Minister of 
India, has said in his speech on the Budget (1882) : “ In 
England, the average income per head of population was 
<£33 ; in France, it was <£23 ; in Turkey, which was the 
poorest country in Europe, it was £4 per head.” I may add 
here that Mulhall gives for Russia above <£9 per head. 
About India, Lord Cromer says : “ Ic has been calculated 
that the average income per head of population in India is 
not more than Rs. 27 a year ; and though I am not prepared 
to pledge myself to the absolute accuracy of a calculation of 
this sort, it is sufficiently accurate to justify the conclu- 
sion that the taxpaying community is exceedingly poor. To 
derive any very large increase of revenue from so poor a 
population as this is obviously impossible, and, if it were 
possible, would be unjustifiable.” “ But he thought it was 
quite sufficient to show the extreme poverty of the mass of 
the people.” I think the principles of the calculation for 
India and the other countries are somewhat different ; but 
that, if necessary, would be considered at the right time. 
For such large purposes with which the Commission has 
to deal these figures might be considered enough for 
guidance. I then asked Lord Cromer to give me the 
details of his calculations, as my calculations, which, I 


ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 


287 


think, were the very first of their kind for India, had made 
out only Rs. 20 per head per annum. Though Rs. 27 or 
Rs. 20 can make but very small difference in the conclusion 
of “ extreme poverty of the mass of the people,” still to 
those “ extremely poor ” people whose average is so small, 
and even that average cannot be available to every in- 
dividual of them, the difference of so much as Rs. 7, or 
nearly 33 per cent., is a matter of much concern. Lord 
Cromer himself says : “ He would ask honourable members 
to think what Rs. 27 per annum was to support a person, 
and then he would ask whether a few annas was nothing 
to such poor people.” 

Unfortunately, Lord Cromer refused to give me his 
calculations. These calculations were, I am informed, 
prepared by Sir David Barbour, and the results embodied 
in a Note. I think the Commission ought to have this 
Note and details of calculations, and also similar calcula- 
tions, say for the last five years or longer, to the latest day 
practicable. This will enable the Commission to form a 
definite opinion of the comparative capacity, as well as of 
any progress or otherwise in the condition of the people, 
and the average annual production of the country. 

The only one other authority on the point of capacity 
which I would now give is that of Sir Henry Fowler as 
Secretary of State for India. He said* : 11 Now, as to the 
revenue, I think the figures are very instructive. Whereas 
in England the taxation is £2 11s. 8 d. per head ; in Scot- 
land, £2 8s. 1 d. per head ; and in Ireland, £\ 12s. 5 d. per 
head ; the Budget which I shall present to-morrow will 
show that the taxation per head in India is something like 
2s. 6 d., or one- twentieth the taxation of the United King- 


# Budget Debate, 15/8/94. 


288 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


dom and one-thirteenth of that of Ireland.” And that thi& 
very small capacity of 2s. 6 d. per head is most burdensome 
and oppressive is admitted on all hands, and the authori- 
ties are at their wits’ ends what to do to squeeze out more. 
So far back as 1870* * * § Mr. Gladstone admitted about India 
as a country, “ too much burdened,” and in 1893,t he 
said : “ The expenditure of India and especially the Military 
expenditure is alarming.” 

Sir David Barbour said? : “ The financial position of 
the Government of India at the present moment is such as 
to give cause for apprehension.” “ The prospects of the 
future are disheartening. Ӥ 

Lord Landsdowne, as Viceroy, said i| : “We should 
be driven to lay before the Council so discouraging an 
account of our Finances, and to add the admission, that, 
for the present, it is beyond our power to describe the 
means by which we can hope to extricate ourselves from the 
difficulties and embarrassments which surround us.” “ My 
hon. friend is, I am afraid, but too well justified in re- 
garding our position with grave apprehension.” “ We have 
to consider nob so much the years which are past and gone 
as those which are immediately ahead of us, and if we look 
forward to these, there can be no doubt that we have 
cause for serious alarm.” *f[ 

“ Many such confessions can be quoted. And now when 
India is groaning under such intolerable heavy expendi- 
ture, and for the relief of which, indeed, this very Royal 

* Hansard, vol. 201, p. 521, 10/5/1870. 

t Hansard, vol. 14, p. 622, 30/6/1893. 

t Par - Return 207, of 1893, Financial Statement, 23/3/93. 

§ 76., para. 28. 

Jf Par. Return 207, of 1893. Financial Statement, 23 / 3/93 
f p ar. Return! 207, of 1893, p. 110. Financial Statement’ 

23/3/93. 


ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 289 


Commission lias come into existence, the utmost that can 
be squeezed out of it to meet such expenditure is 2s. 6(2. 
per head. Thus, by the statement of Sir H. Fowler as 
Secretary of State for India, the relative capacity of poor 
India at the utmost pressure is only one-twentieth of the 
capacity of the prosperous and wealthy United Kingdom. 
But there is still something worse. When the actual pres- 
sure of both taxations as compared, with the respective 
means of the two countries is considered, it will be found 
that the pressure of taxation on extremely poor” India 
is much more heavy and oppressive than that on the most 
wealthy country of England. 

Even admitting for the present the overestimate of 
Lord Cromer of Us. 27 income, and the underestimate of 
Sir H. Fowler about 2s. 6 (2., revenue raised, the pressure of 
percentage of the Indian Revenue, as compared with India’s 
means of paying, is even then slightly higher than that 
of the United Kingdom. But if my estimates of means 
and revenue be found correct, the Indian pressure or per- 
centage will be found to be fifty or more per cent, heavier 
than that on the United Kingdom. 

You have noticed a similar fallacy of regarding a 
smaller amount to be necessarily a lighter tax in the Irish 
Royal Commission. 

“ 2613.* You went on to make rather a striking com- 
parison between the weight of taxation in Ireland and 
Great Britain, and I think you took the years 1841 to 188U 
In answer to Mr. Sexton, taking it head by head, the inci- 
dence of taxation was comparatively very light I may say in 
1841, and very heavy comparatively in 1881 ? — Yes. 


* Par. Return [c. 7720-1], 1895. Lord Welby. 
19 


290 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


“ 2614. I would ask you does not that want some 
qualification. If you take alone without qualification the 
incidence of taxation upon people, leaving out of view en- 
tirely the fact whether the people have become in the 
interval poorer or richer, will you not get to a wrong con- 
clusion ? Let me give you an instance of what I mean. I 
will take such a place as the Colony of Victoria. Before 
the gold discoveries you had there a small, sparse, squat- 
ting population, probably very little administered, and 
paying very few taxes. Probably in such a case you would 
find out that the incidence of taxation at that time was 
extremely small ? — Yes. 

“ 2615. But take it thirty or forty years later when 
there was a greater population, and what I am now dwell* 
ing upon, an improvement in wealth, you would find out 
that the incidence of taxation was very much heavier per 
head ; for instance, perhaps 5s. per head at first, and per- 
haps £2 in the second ; but it would be wrong to dra w the 
conclusion from that fact that the individuals were rela- 
tively more heavily taxed at the later period than the first. 
Would it not ? ” 

Similarly, it would be wrong to draw the conclusion 
that the individuals of England were more heavily taxed 
than those of India, because the average of the former was 
£2 11s. 8 d. and that of the latter was 2s. 6 d. An elephant 
may carry a ton with ease, but an ant will be ciushed by a 
quarter ounce. 

Not only is India more heavily taxed than England to 
supply its expenditure, but there is another additional des- 
tructive circumstance against India. The whole British 
taxation of £2 11s. 8d. per head returns entirely to the 
people themselves from whom it is raised. But the 2s. 6 d. 


ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 291 


so oppressively obtained out of the poverty-stricken Indians 
does not all return to them. No wonder that with such a 
destructive and unnatural system of “ the administration 
and management of expenditure” millions perish by famine 
and scores of millions, or — as Lord Lawrence said (1864) — 
“ the mass of the people, enjoy only a scanty subsistence.” 
Again in 1873, before the Select Committee of the House of 
Commons, Lord Lawrence said : “ The mass of the people 
of India are so miserably poor that they have barely the 
means of subsistence. It is as much as a man can do to 
feed his family or half-feed them, let alone spending money 
on what may be called luxuries or conveniences.” I was 
present when this evidence was given, and I then 
noted down these words. I think they are omitted 
from the published report, I do not know why and 
by whom. In considering therefore the administration 
and management of expenditure and the apportion- 
ment of charge for common purposes, all such 
circumstances are most vital elements, the importance of 
the attention to which cannot be over-estimated. 

The Times of 2nd July last, in its article on “ Indian 
Affairs,” estimates the extent and importance of the work 
of the Commission as follows : 

“ Great Britain is anxious to deal fairly with India. If it 
should appear that India has been saddled with charges which the 
British taxpayer should have borne, the British taxpayer will not 
hesitate to do his duty. At present we are in the unsatisfactory 
position which allows of injurious aspersions being made on the 
justice and good faith of the British nation, without having the 
means of knowing whether the accusations are true or false. 
Thoss accusations have been brought forward in the House of 
Lords, in the House of Commons, and in a hundred newspapers, 
pamphlets and memorials in India. Individual experts of equal 
authority take opposite sides in regard to them. Any curtail- 
ment of the scope of the Royal Commission’s enquiry which 
might debar reasonable men from coming to a conclusion on these 


292 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


questions would be viewed with disappointment in England and 
with deep dissatisfaction throughout India.” 

Now, what are the “accusations” anu “injurious 
aspersions” on the justice and good faith of the British 
nation ? Here are some statements by high authorities as 
to the objects and results of the present system of the ad- 
ministration and management of expenditure of British 
Indian revenues. 

Macaulay pointed out : 

“ That would indeed be a doting wisdom, which, in order 
that India might remain a dependency, would make it a useless 
and costly dependency- -which would keep a hundred millions of 
men from being our customers in order that they might continue 
to be our slaves.”^ 

Lord Salisbury says : “ India must be bled.”f 

Mr. Bright said : 

“ The cultivators of the soil, the great body of the population 
of India, are in a condition of great impoverishment, of great 
dejection, and of great suffering.”! 

“ We must in future have India governed, not for a handful 
of Englishmen, not for that Civil Service whose praises are so 
constantly sounded in this House. You may govern India, if 
you like, for the good of England, but the good of England must 
come through the channels of the good of India. There are but 
two modes of gaining anything b} our connexion with India. 
The one is by plundering the people of India, and the other by 
trading with them. I prefer to do it by trading with them. But 
in order that England may become rich by trading with India, 
India itself must become rich.” § 

Now, as long as the present system is what 
Mr. Bright characterises by implication as that of plunder- 
ing, India cannot become rich. 

“ I say that a Government put over 250,000,000 of people, 
which has levied taxes till it can levy no more, which spends all 
that it can levy, and which has borrowed £100,000,000 more than 
all that it can levy — I say a Government like that has some fatal 
defect, which, at some not distant time, must bring disaster and 

* Hansard, vol. 19. p. 533, 10/7/1833. 

t Par. Return [c. 3086-1], 1881. 

! House of Commons, 14/6/1858. 

§ House of Commons, 24/6/1858. 


ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 293 


humiliation to the Government and to the people on whose behalf 
it rules.” ^ 

Mr. Fawcett said : 

u Lord Metcalf had well said that the bane of our system was 
that the advantages were reaped by one class and the work was 
done by another.”!* 

Sir George Wingate* says with regard to the present 
system of expenditure : 

“ Taxes spent in the country from which they are raised 
are totally different in their effect from taxes raised in one 
country and spent in another. In the former case the taxes 
collected from the population .... are again returned to 
the industrious classes. . . . But the case is wholly different 

when the taxes are not spent in the country from which they are 
raised. . . They constitute. ... an absolute loss and ex- 

tinction of the whole amount withdrawn from the taxed country 
. . . . might as well be thrown into the sea. . . . Such 

is the nature of the tribute we have so long exacted from India. 

. . . . From this explanation some faint conception may be 

formed of the cruel, crushing effect of the tribute upon 
India.” “ The Indian tribute, whether weighed in the scales of jus- 
tice, or viewed in the light of our own interest, will be found to be 
at variance with humanity, with common sense, and with the re- 
ceived maxims of economic science.” 

Lord Lawrence, Lord Cromer, Sir Auckland Colvin 
and others declare the extreme poverty of British India, 
and that after a hundred years of the administration of 
expenditure by the most highly-praised and most highly- 
paid service in the world — by administrators drawn from 
the same class which serves in England. 

Sir John Shore, as already stated, predicted a hun- 
dred years ago that under the present system the benefits 
are more than counterbalanced by its evils. 

A Committee of five members § of the Council of the 

* Speech in the Manchester Town Hall, 11/12/1877. 

t Hansard, vol. 191, p. 1841, 5/5/1868. 

J “ A Few Words on our Financial Relations with India.” 
(London, Richardson Bros., 1859.) 

§ Sir J. P. Willoughby, Mr. Mangles, Mr. Arbuthnot, Mr. Mae- 
Naughton, Sir E. Perry. 


/ 


294 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


Secretary of State for India said, in 1860, that the British 
Government was exposed to the charge of keeping promise 
to the ear and breaking it to the hope ; and Lord Lytton* 
said, in 1878, the same, with greater emphasis, in a 
Minute which it is desirable the Commission should have. . 

Lord Lytton said f : 

“ The Act of Parliament is so undefined, and indefinite obliga- 
tions on the part of the Government of India towards its Native 
subjects are so obviously dangerous, that no sooner was the Act 
passed than the Government began to devise means for practical- 
ly evading the fulfilment of it. Under the terms of the Act, which 
are studied and laid to heart by that increasing class of educated 
Natives whose development the Government encourages without 
being able to satisfy the aspirations of its existing members, every 
such Native, if once admitted to Government employment in posts 
previously reserved to the covenanted service, is entitled to 
expect and claim appointment in the fair course of promoti u to 
the highest post in that service. We all know that these Haims 
and expectations never can or will be fulfilled. We have had to 
choose between prohibiting them and cheating them, and we have 
chosen the least straightforward course. The application to 
Natives of the competitive examination system — as conducted in 
England — and the recent reduction in the age at which candi- 
dates can compete are also many deliberate and transparent subter- 
fuges for stultifying the Act, and reducing it to a dead letter. 
Since I am writing confidentially, I do not hesitate to say that 
both the Governments of England and of India appear to me, up 
to the present moment, unable to answer satisfactorily the charge 
of having taken every means in their power of breaking to the 
heart the words of promise they had uttered to the ear.” 

The Duke of Argyll saidj : 

“ I must say that we have not fulfilled our duty or the pro- 
mises and engagements which we have made.” 

When Lord Northbrook pleaded§ (1883) the Act of 
Parliament of 1833, the Court of Directors’ explanatory 
despatch and the great and solemn Proclamation of 1858, 

Report of the first Indian National Congress, p. 30. 
t I believe this to be in a Minute 30/5/1878 (?) to which the 
Government of India’s Despatch of 2/5/1878 refers. Par. Return 
[C. 2376, 1870, p. 15], 

l Speech in House of Lords, 11/3/1869. 

§ Hansard, vol. 277, p. 1792, 9/4/1883. 


ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 295 


Lord Salisbury in reply said : “My lords, I do not see 
what is the use of all this political hypocrisy.”* 

The Act for which Macaulay said : “I must say that 
to the last day of my life I shall be proud of having been 
one of those who assisted in the framing of the Bill which 
contains that clause ; ” the clause which he called “ that 
wise, that benevolent, that noble clause,” and which Lord 
Lansdovvne supported in a noble speech as involving “ the 
happiness or misery of 100,000,000 of human beings,” and 
as “ confident that the strength of the Government would 
be increased ; ” and the great and most solemn proclama- 
tion of the Sovereign on behalf of the British nation are, 
according to Lord Salisbury, “ political hypocrisy ! ” Can 
there be a more serious and injurious aspersion on the 
justice and good faith of the British nation ? 

The Duke of Devonshire pointed out that it would 
not be wise to tell a patriotic Native that the Indians shall 
never have any chance “ except by their getting rid in the 
first instance of their European rulers. ”fi 

From the beginning of British connexion with India 
up to the present day India has been made to pay for every 
possible kind of expenditure for the acquisition and mainten- 
ance of British rule, and Britain has never contributed her 
fair share (except a small portion on few rare occasions, such 
as the last Afghan War) for all the great benefits it has 
always derived from all such expenditure and “ bleeding ” 
or “ slaving ” of India. And so this is a part of the im- 
portant mission of this Commission, to justly apportion 
charge for purposes in which both countries are interested. 


* lb p. 1798. 

t House of Commons, 23/8/1883. 


296 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


Such are some of the “accusations” and “injurious 
aspersions being made on the justice and good faith of the 
British nation,” while truly “ Great Britain is anxious to 
deal fairly with India.” Justly does the Times conclude 
that “ any curtailment of the scope of the Royal Com- 
mission’s enquiry which might debar reasonable men from 
coming to a conclusion on these questions would be viewed 
with disappointment in England and with deep dissatis- 
faction throughout India.” 

The Times is further justified when Sir Henry Fowler 
himself complained of “ a very strong indictment of the 
British government of India ” having been “ brought 
before the House and the country.”* And it is this 
indictment which has led to the enquiry. 

On the 10th of this month the Times , in a leader on 
the conduct of the Transvaal with regard to trade and 
franchise, ends in these words : “ A man may suffer the 
restriction of his liberty with patience for the advancement 
of his material prosperity. He may sacrifice material 
prosperity for the sake of a liberty 7- which he holds more 
valuable. When his public rights and his private inter- 
ests are alike attacked the restraining influences on which 
the peace of civilised societies depends are dangerously 
weakened.” 

So, when the Indian finds that the present adminis- 
tration and management of expenditure sacrifice his 
material prosperity, that he has no voice in the adminis- 
tration and management of the expenditure of his country, 
and that every burden is put upon h?s head alone — when 
thus both “ his public rights and private interests are alike 


* House of Commons, 15/8/1894. 


ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 297 


attacked the restraining influences on which the peace of 
civilised societies depends are dangerously weakened.” 

Sir Louis Mallet ends his Minute of 3rd February, 
1875, on Indian Land Revenue with words which deserve 
attention as particularly applicable to the administration, 
management, and necessity of Indian expenditure.* He 
says : 

By a perpetual interference with the operation of laws 
which our own rule in India has set in motion, and which I 
venture to think are essential to success — by a constant habit of 
palliating symptoms instead of grappling with disease — may we 
not be leaving to those who come after a task so aggravated by 
our neglect or timidity that what is difficult for us may be 
impossible for them ? 

I understand that every witness that comes before 
the Commission will not be considered as of any party, or 
to support this or that side, but as a witness of the Com- 
mission coming for the simple object of helping the Com- 
mission in finding out the actual whole truth of every 
question under consideration. 

I shall esteem it a favour if, at the next meeting, you 
will be so good as to place this letter before the Commis- 
sion. I may mention that I am sending a copy to every 
member of the Commission, in order that they may be 
made acquainted beforehand with its contents. 

Yours truly, 

Dadabhai Naoroji. 


Par. Return [e. 3086-1], 1881, p. 135. 


298 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


II. 

Dear Lord Wei by, — I now submit to the Commission 
a further representation* upon the most important test of 
the present “Administration and Management of Expendi- 
ture,” viz., its results. 

Kindly oblige me by laying it before the Commission 
at the next meeting. I shall send a copy of it to every 
member of the Commission. As the reference to the Com- 
mission embraces a number of most vital questions — vital 
both to England and India — I am obliged to submit my 
representation in parts. When I have finished I shall be 
willing, if the Commission think it necessary, to appear as 
a witness to be cross-examined upon my representations. 
If the Commission think that I should be examined on 
each of my representations separately, I shall be willing to- 
be examined. 

In the Act of 1858 (see. LIII) Parliament provided 
that among other information for its guidance the Indian 
authorities should lay before it every year “ A Statement 
prepared from detailed Reports from each Presidency and 
District in India, in such form as shall best exhibit the 
Moral and Material Progress and Condition of India in 
each such Presidency.” Thereupon such Reports were 
ordered by the Government of India to be prepared by the 
Government of each Presidency. 

As a beginning the Reports were naturally imperfect 
in details. In 1862, the Government of India observed : 
“ There is a mass of statistics in the Administration Re- 
ports of the various Local Governments .... but they 
are not compiled on any uniform plan .... so as to show 

* Submitted to the Welby Commission on 9th January 1896. 


ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 299 


the statistics of the Empire ” (Fin. Con., June, ’62). The 
Statistical Committee, which the Government of India had 
organised for the purpose, prepared certain Forms of 
Tables, and after receiving reports on those forms from the 
different Governments made a Report to the Government 
of India, with revised Forms of Tables (Office Memorandum, 
Financial Department, No. 1,043, dated 28/2/66). The 
members of this Committee were Mr. A. Grote, president, 
and Messrs. G. Campbell, D. Cowie, and G. Smith. 

I confine myself in this statement to the tables con- 
cerning only the material condition of India, or what are 
called “ Production and Distribution.” 

The following are the tables prescribed : — 

PRODUCTION AND DISTRIBUTION. 

FORM D. — Agriculture. 

Under a former Section provision is made for information 
regarding soils so far as nature is concerned, and we 
have now to do with what the soil produces, and with 
all that is necessary to till the soil, all of which is 
embraced under the heads — Crop, Stock, Rent, and 
Production. 


Crops Cultivated in Acres, actual or approximate. — 1. 


w 














- 

ame of I 
trict 

■*3 

(D © 

© XJ 

• i— 1 

ther Foe 
Grains 

DO 

ns 

© 

© 

eg 

£0 

G 

O 

■13 

o 

5 

o 

•S 3 

xn 

2 

g 

o 

© 

© 

eg 

G2 

O 

eg 

© 

© 

© 

SG 

o 

© . 

-4-3 

© • 

&£ © 
© otj 



O 

O 

m 

O 

o 

1— 1 

£ 

EH 


O 



Total 


300 


DADABHAI NAOROJI S WRITINGS, 


Stock. — 2. 


a a 





•istrict 

ows and 
Buffaloe 

orses 

onies 

onkeys 

heep and 
Goats 

03 

&0 

02 

xt 

3 ? 

& -2 

OB 

-4-3 

eg 

O 

H O 

33 Ph ft m 

3 

C pH 

PQ 

Total 


Bates of Bent and Produce.— 

-3. 



Average Rent per Acre for Land suited for 



W 
U £ 

02 

H3 


0 

Distric 

Rice 

Wheat 

Inferio 

Grai 

Indigo 

Cotton 

Opium 

03 

03 

m 

O 

Fibres 

Sugar 

03 

03 

eg 

O 

H 

General 

Average 


Average Produce of Land per 

Acre in 

lbs. 



02 

c 



03 

** 

O g "D 


0 

=3 

Distric 

Rice 

Wheat 

Infer] 
Food Gi 

Indigo 

Cotton 

Opium 

Oil See 
Fibres 

Sugar 

03 

03 

eg 

eg 

O <33 

EH H 

Coffee, 

&c., 

General 

Average 


FORM E. 




Price of Produce and Labour at the end 

of the year. 


Produce. — 1. 





Price of Produce per maurid of 80 lbs. 


-4-3 

r G 



03 

.2 

-2 03 S3 

CS a» 0 

% 



-4-3 <X> 

32 03 

03 02 QJ *3 

n <— -u • 4J 

to 


r 

3 3 

S S O 

i-l \0 

p 

zn 

'cS 

m 

03 

General 

Average 


ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 301 


Prices — continued. 


Labour. — 2. 



'bb &I & 

o ® 'S 

P""* 

P4 cc 


Wages 
per diem. 



fi go P 
General average 



d d 

o o 


© 

s* 

o 

o 

03 


02 r£ 

E*~» . 

© S-i 
k- a. 

c ^ 
c 

A 


o 

-4— 

•4J 

S-i 

® 

a 


Note. — The general character of the staple of the district 
should be stated as “Cotton, Indigenous,” “Cotton, New Orleans,” 
“ Sugar, Raw,” “ Sugar, Refined,” “ Salt, Rock,” “ Salt, Samber 
Lake,” and so on. 

FORM F. 


Mines and Quarries. 


T3 

© 



© 
© 
cS S 

S-l 

S 0 


PU 


94— I 

O 


© 02 
.O © 



© 

a 



FORM G— Manufactures. 


302 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS, 


‘guipnnji 

jaddoo 
put? ssisag 


ra 

w 

Ph 

p 

H 

o 

◄ 

P 

P 

-U 

a 

p 

o 

co 

co 

1-5 

o 


uoaj 

P°°AV 
jad^j 
saaqi^ J0IFK) 
I 00 AV 



Value of block in ditto ... 

Estimated Annual Outturn of all Works 


ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 303 


It will be seen from these tables that they are suffici- 
ent for calculating the total “ production” of any province, 
with such additions for sundry other produce as may be 
necessary, with sufficient approximacy to accuracy, to sup- 
ply the information which Parliament wants to know about 
the progress or deterioration of the material condition of 
India. 

Sir David Barbour said, in reply to a question put by 
Sir James Peile : — 

“ 2283. It does not by any means follow that people are 
starving because they are poor ? — Not in the least. You must 
recollect that the cost of the necessaries of life is very much less 
in India than it is in England.” 

Now, the question is, whether, even with this “ very 
much less cost” of the necessaries and wants of life, these 
necessaries and wants of life even to an absolute amount, 
few as they are, are supplied by the “ production of the 
year.” Sir D. Barbour and others that speak on this point 
have not given any proof that even these cheap and few 
wants are supplied, with also a fair reserve for bad seasons. 
It is inexplicable why the Statistical Committee failed to 
prescribe the tables for the necessary consumption — or, as 
the heading of Form D. called “ Distribution” — if they 
really meant to give Parliament such full information as to 
enable it to judge whether “the mass of the people,” as 
Lord Lawrence said, “ lived on scanty subsistence” or not. 
The Statistical Committee has thus missed to ask this 
other necessary information, viz., the wants of a common 
labourer to keep himself and his family in ordinary, 
healthy working condition — in food, clothing, shelter, and 
other necessary ordinary social wants. It is by the com- 
parison of what is produced and what is needed by the people 
even for the absolute necessaries of life (leave alone any 


304 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


luxuries) that anything like a fair idea of the condition of 
the people can be formed. In my first letter to the Secre- 
tary of State for India, of 24th May, 1880, I have worked 
out as an illustration all the necessary tables both for 
“ production” and “ distribution,” i.e ., absolute necessaries 
of life of a common labourer in Punjab. 

If the demands of Parliament are to be loyally supplied 
(which, unfortunately, is almost invariably not the attitude 
of Indian authorities in matters concerning the welfare of the 
Indians and honour of the British name depending thereon) 
there is no reason whatever why the information required is 
not fully furnished by every province. They have all the 
necessary materials for these tables, and they can easily 
supply the tables both for “ production” and “ distribution” 
or necessary consumption, at the prices of the year of all 
necessar} 7 wants. Then the Statistical Department ought 
to work up tlie average per head per annum for the whole 
of India of both “ production ” and “ distribution.” Unless 
such information is supplied, it is idle and useless to endea- 
vour to persuade the Commission that the material condi- 
tion of the people of British India is improving. It was 
said in the letter of the Secretary of State for India to me 
of 9th August, 1880, that in Bengal means did not exist of 
supplying the information L desired. Now that may 
have been the case in 1880, but it is not so now ; and I 
cannot understand why the Bengal Government does not 
give the tables of production at all in its Administration 
Beport. The only table, and that the most important one, 
for which it was said they had not the means, and which 
was not given in the Administration Report, is given in 
detail in the “ Statistical Abstract of British India for 
1893-4” (Pari. Ret. [C. 7,887] 1895), pp. 141-2. 


ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 305 


Ko. 73. — Crops Under Cultivation in 1893-4 (p, 141). 
Administration — Bengal. 


ACRES. 


Rice. 

Wheat. 

Other Food 
Grains (in- 
cluding 
Pulses). 

Other Food 
Crops. 

Sugar 

Cane. 

Coffee. 

38,200,300 

1,620,200 

11,636,000 

3,130,900 

1,083,400 


AC RES — continued. 

Tea. 

Cotton. 

Jute. 

Other 

Fibres. 

Oil 

Seeds. 

Indigo. 

110,800 

201,280 

2,228,200 

207,100 

3,253,000 

614,200 


ACRES — continued. 


Tobacco. 

Cinchona. 

Miscel- 

laneous. 

Total area 
under 
crops. 

Deduct area 
cropped 
more than 
once. 

Actual area 
on which 
crops were 
gro^n. 

730,500 

2,900 

424,900 

64,444,200 

10,456,900 

53,987,300 


Then, at page 142, there is also given total area under 
crops — of area under irrigation — 64,444,200 acres. Cer- 
tainly, if they can know the total area, they can ascertain 
the average of some of the principal crops. Then as to the 
crops per acre of some of the principal produce, they can have 
20 


306 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


no difficulty in ascertaining, and the prices are all regularly 
published of principal articles of food. There can be no 
difficulty in obtaining the prices of all principal produce. 
The whole matter is too important to be so lightly treated. 
The extreme importance of this information can be seen 
from the fact that Parliament has demanded it by an Act, 
and that Sir Henry Fowler himself made a special and 
earnest challenge about the condition of the people. He 
said in his speech on 15th August, 1894, when he promised 
the Select Committee : — 

“ The question I wish to consider is whether that Government, 
with all its machinery as now existing in India, has or has not 
promoted the general prosperity of the people in its charge ; and 
whether India is better or worse off by being a Province of the 
British Crown.” 

And this is the question to which an answer has to be 
given by this Commission — whether the present adminis- 
tration and management of the Military and Civil Expendi- 
ture incurred in both countries, “ has or has not,” as one of 
its results, “ promoted the general prosperity of the people ” 
of British India. Or is, or is not, the result of this 
administration and management of expenditure “ scanty 
subsistence ” for the mass of the people as admitted by 
Lord Lawrence, and “ extreme proverty ” as stated by 
Lord Cromer, Sir Auckland Colvin, and Sir David Barbour 
among the latest Finance Ministers — a poverty com- 
pared with which even the most oppressed and mis- 
governed Russia is prosperity itself, the income of which 
is given by Mulhall as above <£9 per head per an- 
num, which Lord Cromer gives the income of British 
India as “not more than Rs. 27 per head per annum,” and 
I calculate it as not more than Rs. zO per head per 
annum. Even this wretched income, insufficient as it is, 


ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 307 


is not all enjoyed by the people, but a portion never returns 
to them, thereby continuously though gradually diminish- 
ing their individual capacity for production. Surely, there 
cannot be a more important issue before the Commission as 
to the results of the administration and management of 
expenditure, as much or even more for the sake of Britain 
itself than for that of India. 

Before proceeding further on the subject of these 
statistics it is important to consider the matter of the few 
wants cf the Indian in an important aspect. Is the few 
wants a reason that the people should not prosper, should 
not have better human wants and better human enjoy- 
ments ? Is that a reason that they ought not to produce 
as much wealth as the British are producing here ? Once 
the Britons were wandering in the forests of this country, 
and their wants were few ; had they remained so for ever 
what would Britain have been to-day ? Has not British 
wealth grown a hundred times, as Macaulay has said ? 
And is it not a great condemnation of the present British 
administration of Indian expenditure that the people of 
India cannot make any wealth — worse than that, they 
must die off by millions, and be underfed by scores of 
millions, produce a wretched produce, and of that even 
somebody else must deprive them of a portion ! 

The British first take away their means, incapacitate 
them from producing more, compel them to reduce their 
wants to the wretched means that are left to them, and 
then turn round upon them and, adding insult to injury, 
tell them : “ See, you have few wants ; you must remain 
poor and of few wants. Have your pound of rice — or, 
more generously, we would allow you two pounds of rice — 
scanty clothing and shelter. It is we who must have and 


308 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


would have great human wants and human enjoyments? 
and you must slave and drudge for us like mere animals, 
as our beasts of burden.” Is it that the mass of the Indians 
have no right or business to have any advancement in 
civilisation, in life and life’s enjoyments, physical, moral, 
mental and social ? Must they always live to the brute’s 
level — must have no social expenses — is that all extra- 
vagance, stupidity, want of intelligence, and what not ? 
Is it seriously held, in the words of Lord Salisbury : 
“ They (the Natives of India) know perfectly well that 
they are governed by a superior race” ( Hansard , vol. 
277,9/4/83, page 1,798), and that that superior race should 
be the masters, and the Indians the slaves and beasts of 
burden ? Why the British- Indian authorities and Anglo- 
Indians generally (of course with honourable and wise 
exceptions) do every mortal thing to disillusion the 
Indians of the idea of any superiority by open violation 
and dishonour of the most solemn-pledges, by subtle bleed- 
ing of the country, and b}' obstructing at every point any 
step desired by the British people for the welfare of the 
Indians. I do hope, as I do believe, that both the con- 
science and the aspiration of the British people, their mis- 
sion and charge, which it is often said Providence has 
placed in their hands, are to raise the Indians to their own 
level of civilisation and prosperity, and not to degrade 
themselves to the lowness of Oriental despotism and the 
Indians to mere helots. 

I may here again point out some defects in these 
statistics so as to make them as accurate as they can 
possibly be made, in supplying the Commission with the 
necessary information. It is surprising that Indian highly- 
paid civilians should not understand the simple arith 


ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 309 


metic of averages ; and that they should not correct the 
mistake even after the Secretary of State for India for- 
warded my letter pointing out the mistake. 

The mistake is this. Supposing the price of rice in 
one district is Re. 1 per maund, and in another district 
Rs. 3 per maund, then the average is taken by simply 
adding 3 and 1 and dividing by 2, making it to be Rs. 2 
per maund, forgetting altogether to take into account the 
quantities sold at Rs. 3 and Re. 1 respectively. Suppos- 
ing the quantity sold at Re. 1 per maund is 1,000,000 
maunds and that sold at Rs. 3 is only 50,000 maunds, 
then the correct average will be : — 

Maunds. Rs. Rs. 

1,000,000 X 1=1,000,000 
50,000 x 3= 150,000 

Total ... 1,050,000 1,150,000 

which will give Re. 1 1 an. 6 pies per maund, instead of 
the incorrect Rs. 2 per maund, as is made out by simply 
adding 1 and 3 and dividing by 2. 

In my “ Poverty of India ” I have given an actual 
illustration ( supra pp. 3-4). The average price of rice in the 
Administration Report of the Central Provinces for 1867-8 
was made out to be, by the wrong method, Rs. 2 12 an. 
7 pies, while the correct price was only Rs. 1 8 an. Also 
the correct average of produce was actually 7591bs. per 
acre, when it was incorrectly made out to be 5791bs. per 
acre. Certainly there is no excuse for such arithmetical 
mistakes in information required by Parliament for the 
most important purpose of ascertaining the result of the 
British Administration of the expenditure of a vast 
country. 


310 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


In the same way averages are taken of wages without 
considering how many earn the different wages of 1 j, 2, 3 
or more annas per day and for how many days in the year. 
In the Irish Commission you yourself and the Chairman 
have noticed this fallacy. 

Witness , Dr. T. W. Grimshaw. 

Question 2925. (Lord Welby) : Do you take a mean price ? — I 
take a mean price between highest and lowest. 

2926. (Chairman) : An arithmetical mean price without re- 
ference to the quantities ? — Yes. 

2927. (Lord Welby) : For instance, supposing for nine 

months there had been a low price, and the remaining three a high 
price, the mean would hardly represent a real mean, would it ? — 
You are correct in a certain sense 

Trade. — Totals are taken of both imports and exports 
together and any increase in these totals is pointed out as 
proof of a flourishing trade and increasing benefit when in 
reality it is no such thing, but quite the reverse altogether. 
I shall explain what I mean. 

Suppose a merchant sends out goods to a foreign 
country which have cost him £1,000. He naturally ex- 
pects to get back the £1,000 and some profit, say 15 per 
cent. ; i. e., he expects to receive back £1,150. This will 
be all right ; and suppose he sends out more, say £2,000 
worth, the next year and gets back his £2,300, then it is 
really an increasing and profitable trade. But suppose a 
merchant sent out goods worth £1,000 and gets back £800 
instead of £1,150 or anything above £1,000 ; and again 
the second year he sent £2,000 worth and got back £1,600. 
To say that such a trade is a flourishing or profitable trade 
is simply absurd. To say that because the total of the ex- 
ports and imports of the first year was £1,800, and the 
total of the exports and imports in the second year was 
£3,600, that therefore it was a cause for rejoicing, when 


ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 311 


in reality ifc is simply a straight way to bankruptcy with a 
loss of <£200 the first year, and £400 the second year 
(leaving alone profits), and so on. Such is the condition 
of British India. Instead of getting back its exports with 
some profit, it does not get back even equal to the exports 
themselves, but a great deal less every year. Why then, 
it may be asked, does India not go into bankruptcy as any 
merchant would inevitably go ? And the reason is very 
simple. The ordinary merchant has no power to put his 
hand in other persons’ pockets, and make up his losses. 
But the despotic Government of India, on the one hand, 
goes on inflicting on India unceasing losses and drain by 
its unnatural administration and management of expendi- 
ture, and, on the other hand, has the power of putting its 
hands unhindered into the pockets of the poor taxpayer and 
make its account square. 

While the real and principal cause of the sufferings 
and poverty of India, is the deprivation and drain of its 
resources by foreigners by the present system of expendi- 
ture, the Anglo-Indians generally, instead of manfully 
looking this evil in the face, ignore it and endeavour to 
find all sorts of other excuses. It is very necessary that 
the Commission should have the opportunity of fairly con- 
sidering those excuses. Now, one way I can deal with 
them would be for myself to lay them down as I under- 
stand them ; or, which is far better, I should deal with 
them as they are actually put forth by some high Anglo- 
Indian official. As I am in a position to do so, I adopt the 
second course. A high official of the position of an 
Under-Secretary of State for India and Governor of 
Madras, Sir Grant Duff, has already focussed all the 
official reasons in two papers he contributed to the Con- 


312 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


temporary Review , and I have answered them in the same 
Review in 1887. I cannot therefore do better than to 
embody my reply here, omitting from it all personal re- 
marks or others irrelevant to the present purpose. In 
connexion with my reply, I may explain here that it is 
because I have taken in it £\ = Rs. 10 that the incidence 
of taxation is set down as 6s. per head per annum, while 
Sir H. Fowler’s estimate is only 2s. 6 d. per head at the 
present depressed exchange and excluding land 
revenue. Sir H. Fowler excludes land revenue 
from the incidence as if land revenue, by be- 

ing called “ rent,” rained from heaven, and was 
not raised as much from the production of the 

country as any other part of the revenue. The fact of the 
matter is that in British India as in every other country, a 
certain portion of the production of the country is taken by 
the State, under a variety of names — land tax or rent, salt 
revenue, excise, opium, stamps, customs, assessed taxes, 
post office surplus, law and justice surplus, etc., etc. In 
some shape or other so much is taken from the production, 
and which forms the incidence of taxation. The evil which 
India suffers from is not in what is raised or taken from 
the “ production” and what India, under natural adminis- 
tration, would be able to give two or three times over, but 
it is in the manner in which that revenue is spent under 
the present unnatural administration and management of 
expenditure whereby there is an unceasing “ bleeding” of 
the country. 

My reply to Sir Grant Duff was made in 1887. This 
brings some of the figures to a later date than my corres- 
pondence with the Secretar} 7 of State for India. Single- 
handed I have not the time to work out figures to date, 


ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 313 


'bus 1 shall add afterwards some figures which 1 have already- 
worked out for later than 1887. 1 give below my reply 

to Sir Grant Duff as 1 have already indicated above. 

All the subjects treated in the following extracts are 
the direct consequences of the present system of “ the ad- 
ministration and management of expenditure in both coun- 
tries.” It is from this point of view that I give these ex- 
tracts. (See my reply, in August and November, 1887, to 
Sir Grant Duff, supra , pp. 231-272.) 

I give below some of the latest figures I already have 
to compare the results of the administration of expenditure 
in India with those of other parts of the British Empire. 
Ten Years (1883-1892). 

Imports (in- Exports (in- Excess of Im- Per- 
r . . eluding Gold eluding Gold ports over cent- 

and Silver.) and Silver). Exports, age of 

Trade 

£ £ £ Profits 

United Kingdom... 4,247,954.247 3,203,603,246 1,044,351,001 32 
(Par. Ret.[C. 7,143] 

1893.) 

Australasia ... 643,462,379 
North American 

Colonies ... 254,963,473 
Straits Settlements 204,613,643 
(Par. Ret. [C.7,144] 

1893.) 

* Australasia is a large gold and silver exporting coun- 
try. Profits on this are a very small percentage. The pro- 
fits on other produce or merchandise will be larger than 
10’5 per cent., and it should also be borne in mind that 
Australasia, like India, is a borrowing country, and a portion 
of its exports, like that of India, goes for the payment of 
interest on foreign loans. Still, it not only pays all that interest 
from the profits of trade, but secures for itself also a balance of 
10*5 per cent, profits, while India must not only lose all its profits 
of trade but also Rx. 170,000,000 of its own produce. Were 
India not “ bleeding ” politically it would also be in a similar 
condition of paying for its loans and securing something for 
itself out of the trade profits. 


582,264,839 61,197,540 10-5- 

205,063,294 49,900,179 24-4 

181,781,667 22,831,976 12* *5 


314 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


Cape op Good Hope and Natal, I cannot give figures 
as the gold brought into the Colonies from Transvaal is 
not included in the imports ; while exports include gold 
and silver. 

Natal. In this also goods in transit are not includ- 
ed in imports, although included in exports, 

British India, Far from any excess of imports or 
trade profits, there is, as will be seen further on, actually 
a large deficit in imports (Rx. 774,099,570) from the 
actual exports (Rx. 944,279,318). Deficit from its own 
produce (Rx. 170,179,748) — 18 per cent. 

India. 

Particulars of the Trade of ® India and the losses of 
the Indian people of British India ; or, The Drain. 

Ten Years (1883-1892), (Return [C. 7,193,] 1893.) 

India’s total Exports, 
including Treasure. 

Rx. 944,279,318 

„ 188,855,863 Add, as in other countries, say 20 per cent. 

excess of imports or profits (U.K. is 32' 

per cent.) 

Rx. 1,133,135,181 or the amount which the imports should be. 
But 

„ 774,099,570 only are the actual imports. 

Rx. 359,035,611 is the loss of India for which it has not re- 
ceived back a single farthing either in Mer- 
chandise or treasure. 

Now, the question is what has become of this Rx. 
359,000,000 which India ought to have received but has 
not received. 

This amount includes the payment of interest on 
railway and other public works loans. 

Owing to our impoverishment, our utter helplessness* 
subjection to a despotism without any voice in the adminis- 


ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 


315 


tration of our expenditure, our inability to make any 
capital, and therefore, forced to submit to be exploited by 
foreign capital, every farthing of the above amount is a loss 
and a drain to British India. We have no choice ; the whole 
position is compulsory upon us. It is no simple matter of 
business to us. It is all simply the result of the despotic 
administration of expenditure of our resources. 

Still, however, let us consider these loans as a matter 
of business, and see what deduction we should make from 
the above amount. 

The loans for public works during the ten years (Par. 
Ret. [c. 7193] 1893, p. 298) are : — Rx. 34,350,000 (this 
is taken as Rs. 10 = £1 — p. 130), or £34,350,000. This 
amount is received by India, and forms a part of its 
imports. 

The interest paid during the ten years in England is 
£57,700,000. This amount, being paid by India, forms a 
part of its exports. The account, then, will stand thus : — 

India received or imported as loans £ 34,350,000 in 
the ten years. India pail or exported as interest 
£57,700,000, leaving an excess of exports as a business 
balance £23,350,000, or, say, at average Is. 4cZ. per 
rupee, Rx. 37,360,000. 

This export made by India in settlement of public 
works loans interest account may be deducted from the 
above unaccounted amount of Rx. 359,000,000, leaving a 
balance of Rx. 321,640,000 still unreceived by India. 

The next item to be considered is public debt (other 
than for public works). This debt is not a business debt 
in any possible way. It is simply the political burden put 
upon India by force for the very acquisition and mainten- 
ance of the British rule. It is entirely owing to the evil 


316 DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 

administration of expenditure in putting every burden on 
India. Make an allowance for even this forced tribute. 

The public debt of India (excluding public works) 
incurred during the ten years is £ 16,000,000, (p. 298), of 
which, say, <£8,000,000 has interest to be paid in London. 
( I do not know how much is raised in India and how 
much in England. I think I asked the India Office for 
this, but it is difficult to get definite information from it.) 
The interest paid in London during the ten years is 
£28,600,000. This forms part of the exports of India. 
The £8,000,000 of the debt incurred during the ten years 
form part of the imports of India, leaving a balance of, 
say, £21,000,000. On public debt account to be further 
deducted from the last balance of unaccounted loss 
of Rx. 321,640,000, taking, £21,000,000 at Is. 4 d. per 
rupee will give about Rx. 33,000,000, which, deducted from 
Rx. 321,640,000, will still leave the unaccounted loss or 
drain of Rx. 288,000,000. I repeat that as far as the 
economic effect on India of the despotic administration 
and management of expenditure under the British rule is 
concerned, the whole amount of Rx. 359,000,000 is a 
drain from the wretched resources of India. 

But to avoid controversy, allowing for all public debt 
(political and commercial), there is still a clear loss or 
drain of Rx. 288,000,000 in ten years, with a debt of 
£210,000,000 hanging round her neck besides. 

Rx. 288,000,000 is made up of Rx. 170,000,000 from 
the very blood or produce of the country itself, and 
Rx. 118,000,000 from the profits of trade. 

It must be also remembered that freight, insurance, 
and other charges after shipment are not calculated in 
the exports from India, every farthing of which is taken 


ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 317 


by England. When these items are added to the exports 
the actual loss to British India will be much larger than 
the above calculations. I may also explain that the item 
of stores is accounted for in the above calculations. 
The exports include payment for these stores, and imports 
include the stores. The whole of the above loss and 
burden of debt has to be borne by only the Indian tax- 
payers of British India . The Native States and their 
capitalists, bankers, merchants, or manufacturers, and the 
European capitalists, merchants, bankers, or manu- 
facturers get back their full profits. 

In the above calculation I have taken 20 per cent, as 
what ought to be the excess of imports under natural 
circumstances, just as the excess of the United Kingdom 
is 32 per cent. But suppose I take even 15 per 
cent, instead of 20 per cent., then the excess of imports 
would be, say, Bx. 311,000,000 instead of nearly 
Rx. 359,000,000. From this Rx. 311,000,000, deduct, 
as above, Rx. 37,000,000 for public works account and 
Rx. 33,000,000 for political public debt account, there 
will still be a loss or drain of Rx. 241,000,000 in ten 
years. 

Strictly considered in India’s helpless condition, 
there has been a drain of its wealth to the extent of 
Rx. 360,000,000 in the ten years. 

But, as I have said, to avoid all futile controversy, 
after allowing fully for all debt, there is still a drain of 
Rx. 241,000,000 or Rx. 24,000,000 a year during the ten 
years. 

But it must be also remembered that besides the 
whole of the above drain, either Rx. 359,000,000, or 


318 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’s WRITINGS. 


Rx. 241,000,000, there is also the farther loss of all that 
is consumed in India itself by foreigners so far, to the 
deprivation and exclusion of the children of British India. 

Now, let it be once more understood that there can 
be no objection to any capitalist, or banker, or merchant, 
or manufacturer going to India on his own account and 
making any profits there, if we are also left free to do 
our best in fair competition , but as long as we are im- 
poverished and made utterly helpless in our economic 
condition by the forced and unnatural present system of 
the administration and management of expenditure, the 
whole profits of foreigners (European or Indian) is 
British India’s irreparable loss. 

The moral, therefore, of this phenomenon is that 
Sir John Shore’s prediction of 1787, about the evil effect 
of foreign domination by the adoption of the present 
system of the administration and management of ex- 
penditure, is amply and deplorably fulfilled. Truly has 
Macaulay said : “ The heaviest of all yokes is the yoke 
of the stranger.” It cannot be otherwise under the 
existing administration and management of expenditure. 
What an enormous sum, almost beyond calculation, 
would British India’s loss amount to in the present cen- 
tury (leaving alone the last century of unparalleled cor- 
ruption, plunder, and oppression by Europeans) when 
calculated with compound interest ! A tremendously 
“ cruel and crushing ” and destructive tribute indeed ! 

With regard to the allegation that the fall in ex- 
change has stimulated exports from India, here are a 
few figures which tell their own tale : — 

Exports in 1870-1. . . . Rx. 64,690,000 

„ „ 1890-1. . Rx. 102,340,000 


ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 319 


or an increase of about 60 per cent. This is the increase 
in the 20 years of the fall of exchange. 

Now take 1850 , exports. . . . £ 18 , 700,000 

„ „ 1870 , „ . £ 64 , 690,000 

i.e., an increase of nearly 3| times. Was this increase 
owing to fall in Exchange ? There was then no such fall 
in Exchange. And what good was this increase to India ? 
As shown above, in ten years only she has been drained 
to the extent indicated, besides what is eaten in the 
country by those who are not her children. The increase 
in trade, excepting that of Native and Frontier States, is 
not natural and economic for the benefit of the people 
•of British India. It is mostly only the form in which 
the increasing crushing tribute and the trade-profits and 
wants of foreigners are provided by the poor people of 
British India, the masses of whom live on scanty subsist- 
ence, and are ill-fed, ill-clothed, and ill-habited hewers of 
wood and drawers of water for them. 

But there is another most important consideration 
still remaining. 

While British India is thus crushed by a heavy 
tribute which is exacted by the upper classes and which 
•must end in disaster, do the British industrial people, or 
the great mass, derive such benefit as they ought to derive, 
with far greater benefit to England itself, besides bene- 
''fitting India ? 

Here is this wretched result so far as the producers 
of British and Irish produce are concerned, or the British 
trade with India is concerned. 

In 1893, all British and Trish produce exported to all 
India is only £28,800,000 for a population of 285,000,000 
■or “2s. per head per annum. But a large portion of 


320 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’s WRITINGS. 


this goes to the Native States and frontier territories. 
British Indian subjects themselves (221,000,000) will be 
found to take hardly a shilling or fifteen pence worth 
per head per annum. And this is all that the British 
people export to British India. If British India were more 
righteously treated and allowed to prosper, British pro- 
duce will be exported to British India as much or a great 
deal more than what the British people are exporting to 
the whole world. A word to our Lancashire friends. 
If they would open their eyes to their true interests, and 
give up squabbling about these wretched cotton duties, 
they would see that a market of 220,000,000 people of 
British India, besides the 64,000,000 of the Native States, 
will require and take (if you take your hand off their 
throat), more than Lancashire will be able to supply. 
Look at the wretched Lancashire trade with the poverty- 
stricken British Indians : — 

£25,625,865. 

for a population of 285,000,000, or about Is. 9 d. per head 
per annum. But if you deduct Native States and Frontier 
States, it will possibly be Is. per head for British India. 
Why should it not be even £1 or more per head if 
British India be not “ bled”? And Lancashire may have 
.£250,000,000 or more of trade instead of the wretched 
<£25,000,000. Will Lancashire ever open its eyes and 
help both itself and India to be prosperous ? 

Argument of Population. 

Increase from 1881 to 1891 : — 

Population per 
Increase. Square Mile. 

England and Wales . . 11 '6 per cent. . 500 

British India ... 9 7 „ . 230 


In 1892-3 India imported yarn £ 2,683,850 ) 
Manufactures £22,942,015 j 


ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 321 


In 1801, the population of England and Wales (Mul- 
ball’s Dictionary, p.444) was 8,893,000, say 9,000,000. 

In 1884, the population was 27,000,000 (Pari. Ret. 
[c. 7,143], 1893), or three times as much as in 1801. 

The income of England and Wales (Mul., p. 320) in 
1800 was <£230,000,000. 

In 1884, while the population increased to 27,000,000 
or three times that of 1801, the income increased to 
<£976,000,000(Mul., p. 321), or nearly 4| times thatof 1800. 

The population of England and Wales (Mul. p. 444) 
in 1672, was 5,500,000. The income in 1664 (Mul., p f , 
320) was <£42,000,000. 

In 1884, (Mul., p. 321), population 27,000,000, increas- 
ed five times; income £976,000,000, increased more than 
twenty-three times. 

As comparison with earlier times Macaulay said 
(supra,- p. 269) : “ While our numbers have increased ten- 
fold, our wealth has increased hundredfold.” 

These facts do not show that increase of population 
has made England poorer. On the contrary, Macaulay 
truly says “ that the advantages arising from the progress 
of civilisation have far more than counterbalanced the 
disadavantages arising from the progress of population.” 

Why, then, under the administration of the “greatest” 
and most highly-paid service in the world, derived from 
the same stock as the administrators of this country, and, 
as Mr. Bright says, “ whose praises are so constantly 
sounded in this House,” is India, after a long period at 
period, at present the most “ extremely poor ” country 
in the world ? And yet how can the result be otherwise 
under the existing administration and management of 
expenditure, based upon the evil principle that “ India 
21 


322 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’s WRITINGS. 


must be bled” ? The fault is not of the officials. It is 
the evil and outrageous system of expenditure, which 
cannot but produce such pernicious and deplorable results, 
which, if not remedied in time, must inevitably bring 
about a retribution the extent and disaster of which can 
hardly be conceived. Officials over and over again tell 
us that the resources of India are boundless. All the 
resources of civilisation have been at their command, and 
here is this wretched and ignominious result — that while 
England has gone on increasing in wealth at a greater 
progress than in population, India at this moment is far 
poorer than even the misgoverned and oppressed Russia, 
and poorer even than Turkey in its annual production, 
as Lord Cromer pointed out in 1882. 

I think I need not say anything more upon the first 
part of our Reference. If I am required to be cross- 
examined on the representations which I have submitted, 
I shall then say whatever more may be necessary for me 
to say. 

I have shown, by high authorities and by facts and 
figures, one result of the existing system of “ The admi- 
nistration and management of the Military and Civil 
Expenditure incurred under the authority of the Secretary 
of State for India in Council, or of the Government of 

j n( }i a ” viz., the most deplorable evil of the extreme 

poverty of the mass of the people of British India — suici- 
dal and dishonourable to British name and rule, and 
destructive and degrading to the people of British India, 
with a “ helot system ” of administration instead of that 
of British citizenship. 

The following remarks in a leader of the Times of 
16th December, 1895, in connexion with the Transvaal, 


ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 323 


is, short of compulsory service, applicable with ten times 
more force to the British rule of British India. The 
Times says : — 

“ The time is past even in South Africa when a helot system 
of administration organised for the exclusive advantage of a 
privileged minority can long resist the force of enlightened 
public opinion. If President Kruger really possesses any of those 
statesmanlike qualities which are sometimes ascribed to him, he 
will hasten to accept the loyal co-operation of these Ouitlanclers, 
who have already done so much and who are anxious to do more 
for the prosperity and progress of the South African Republic.” 

I would apply this to British India. The time is past 
in British India when a “ helot system of administration,” 
organised for the exclusive advantage of a privileged minor- 
ity, and existing to the great dishonour of the British 
name for a century and a half, can long resist the force of 
enlightened public opinion, and the dissatisfaction of the 
people themselves. If the British statesmen of the present 
day possessthose statesmanlike qualities which the statesmen 
of 1833 showed about India — to “ be just and fear not,” 
which the great Proclamation of 1858 proclaimed to the 
world, and which Sir H. Fowler so lately (3/9/’95) des- 
cribed as having “ the courage of keeping our word ” — 
they will hasten to accept the loyal co-operation of the 
people of India, with whose blood mainly, and with whose 
money entirely, has the British Indian Empire been both 
built up and maintained ; from whom Britain has drawn 
thousands of millions, or untold wealth calculated with 
interest ; who for British righteousness would return the 
most devoted and patriotic loyalty for their own sake, and 
whose prosperity and progress, as Lord Roberts said, being 
indissolubly bound up with those of Britain, would result 
in largely increasing the prosperity of the British people 
themselves, in the stability of the British rule and in the 


324 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


redemption of the honour and good name of Britain from 
the dishonour of many broken pledges. The deplorable 
evil result of the present “ administration and manage- 
ment of expenditure,” in violation of solemn pledges, is so 
subtle, so artistic, so unobservably “ bleeding,” to use 
Lord Salisbury’s word, so plausibly masked with the face 
of beneficence, and being unaccompanied with any open 
compulsion or violence to person or property which the 
world can see and be horrified with, that, as the poet 
says : — 

“ Those lofty souls have telescopic eyes, 

That see the smallest speck of distant pain, 

While at their feet a world of agony, 

Unseen, unheard, unheeded, writhes in vain,” 

— Great Thoughts, 31/8/’95. 

Even a paper like the Pioneer of Allahabad (21/9/’95) 
which cannot be accused of being opposed to Anglo-Indian 
views, recognises that India “ has also perhaps to undergo 
the often subtle disadvantages of foreign rule.” Yes, it is 
these “ subtle disadvantages of foreign rule” which need 
to be grappled with and removed, if the connexion be- 
tween India and England is to be a blessing to both, in- 
stead of a curse. This is the great and noble task for our 
Commission. For, indeed, it would be wise to ponder 
whether and how far Lord Salisbury’s — a statesman’s — 
words at the last Lord Mayor’s dinner, apply to British 
India. He said : — 

“ That above all treaties and above all combinations of ex- 
ternal powers, ‘ the nature of things ’ if you please, or ‘ the 
providence of God,’ if you please to put it so, has determined 
that persistent and constant misgovernment must lead the 
Government which follows it to its doom ; and while I readily 
admit that it is quite possible for the Sultan of Turkey, if he will,, 
to govern all his subjects in justice and in peace, he is not 
exempt, more than any other potentate from the law that injustice 
will bring the highest on earth to ruin.” 


ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN EXPENDITURE. 325 


The administration of expenditure should be based on 
Ibis principle, as Sir Louis Mallet (c. 3086 1) 1881, p. 

142, has said : — 

“ If India is to be maintained and rendered a perma- 
nent portion of the British Empire, this must be accom- 
plished in some other way than by placing our future 
reliance on the empirical arts of despotism ” and not on 
those low motives of making India as simply an exploiting 
ground for our “ boys ” as Sir C. Crossthwaite desired 
when he had the candour of expressing the motive of 
British action when speaking about Siam at the Society of 
Arts (vol . 39 — 19/2/’92 — p. 286). All that gentleman 
cared for was this. “ The real question was who was to 
get the trade with them and how we could make the most 
of them, so as to find fresh markets for our goods and also 
employment for those superfluous articles of the present day, 
our hoys ” (the italics are mine), as if the whole world was 
created simply for supplying markets to the one people, 
and employment to their boys. Still, however, you can 
have ten times more trade than you have at present with 
India, far more than you have at present with the whole 
world, if you act on lines of righteousness, and cast off the 
second mean motive to enslave other people to give em- 
ployment to your “ boys,” which certainly is not the 
motive of the British people. The short of the whole 
matter is, that under the present evil and unrighteous 
administration of Indian expenditure, the romance is the 
beneficence of the British rule, the reality is the “ bleed- 
ing ” of the British rule. Under a righteous “ adminis- 
tration of expenditure,” the reality will be the blessing 
and benefit both to Britain and India, and far more trade 
between them than we can form any conception of at 
present. 

Yours truly, 

Dadabhai Nowroji. 


III. 

THE APPORTIONMENT OF CHARGE BET- 
WEEN THE GOVERNMENTS OF THE 
UNITED KINGDOM AND OF| INDIA.* 

Dear Lord Welby, — I now request your favour of 
laying before the Commission this tetter of my views on 
the second part of the Deference, viz., “ The apportionment 
of charge between the Governments of the United King- 
dom and of India for purposes in which both are interested.’’ 

The word England, or Britain, is always used by me 
as embracing the United Kingdom. 

I do not know whether there is any portion of the 
Indian charge (either in this countrv or in India) in which 
Britain is not interested. The one chief object of the whole 
expenditure of Government is to govern India in a way to 
secure internal law and order and external protection. 
Now, in both internal law and order and external protection, 
the interests of Britain are as great or rather greater than 
those of India. That India is protected from lawlessness 
and disorder is unquestionably a great boon and benefit to 
it. But orderly or disorderly India shall always remain 
and exist where it is, and will shape its o\yn destiny some- 
how, well or badly. But without law and order British 
rule will not be able to keep its existence in India. British 
rule in India is not even dike Bussian rule in Bussia. 
However bad and oppressive the latter may be, whatever 
revolution or Nihilism there may occur, whatever civil 
wars or secret disasters may take place, the Bussians and 
their Bulers remain all the same in Bussia ; only that 
power changes from one hand into another, or from one 
foim into another. Only a few days ago (18th January, 

* Submitted to the Welby Commission on 15th February 1896. 


APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 327 


1896) the Russian Tsar, styling himself “Emperor and 
Autocrat of all the Russias,” issued a Manifesto for his 
coronation as follows : — 

“ By the grace of God we, Nicholas II, Emperor and 
Autocrat of all the Russias, etc., make known to all our faithful 
subjects that, with the help of the Almighty, we have resolved to 
place upon ourselves the Crown, in May next, in the Ancient 
Capital of Moscow, after the example of the pious Monarchy our 
forefathers, and to receive the Holy Sacrament according to esta- 
blished usage ; uniting with us in this Act our most beloved con- 
sort the Empress Alexandra Feodorovna. 

“ We call upon all our loyal subjects on the forthcoming 
solemn day of Coronation to share in our joy and to join us in 
offering up fervent prayers to the Giver of all good that He may 
pour out upon us the gift of the Holy Spirit, that He may streng- 
then our Empire, and direct us to the footsteps of our parent of 
imperishable memory, whose life and labours for the welfare of our 
beloved fatherland will always remain a bright example. 

“ Given at St. Petersburg, this first day of January in the year 
of Our Iiord 1896, and the second year of our reign. 

“ Nicholas.” 

— The Times , 20th January, 1896. 

Now, blood is thicker than water. Notwithstanding 
all the autocratic oppression that the Russian people may 
have suffered for all past time, every soul will rise to the 
call, and rejoice in the joy of the occasion. And, whether 
the present system of government and power endures or 
vanishes, the Russian rule — whatever form it takes — will 
always be Russian, and for the Russians. 

Take England itself. It beheaded one king, banished 
another, turned out its Parliament at the point of the 
bayonet, had civil wars of various durations, and disasters 
Whatever was the change, it was English rule for English- 
men. But the British in India is quite a different thing. 
They are aliens, and any disaster to them there has entire- 
ly a different result. In the very first paper that was read 
before the East India Association of London (2/5/1867) 
I said : — 


328 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


■ “No prophet is required to foretell the ultimate result of a 
struggle between a discontented two hundred millions and a hun- 
dred thousand foreign bayonets. A drop of water is insignificant, 
but an avalanche may sometimes carry everything before it. The 
race is not always to the swift. A disaffected nation may fail a 
hundred times, and may rise again ; but one or two reverses to a 
foreigner cannot but be fatal. Every failure of the Natives, add- 
ing more burdens, will make them the more impatient to throw off 
the foreign yoke.” 

Can the British Sovereign call upon the Indians as 
she can call upon the British people, or as the Russian Tsar 
can call upon the Russians, to share in her joy ? Yes, on 
one condition. The people of India must feel that, though 
the English Sovereign and people are not kindred in birth 
and blood, they are kindred in sympathetic spirit, and just in 
dealing ; that, though they are the step-mother, they treat 
the step-children with all che affection of a mother — that 
the British rule is their own rule. The affection of the 
Indian people is the only solid foundation upon which an 
alien rule can stand firm and durable, or it may some day 
vanish like a dream. * 

To Britain all the law and order is the very breath 
of its nostrils in India. With law and order alone can it 
live in India. Let there arise disorder and violence to- 
morrow, and what will become of the small number of 
Europeans, official and non-official, without even any direct 
battles or military struggle ? 

If a thoroughly intelligent view of the position of Bri- 
tain in India is taken the interests of Britain are equally 
vital, if nob far more vital, in the maintenance of good and 
satisfactory government, and of law and order, than those 
of India ; and, in a just view, all the charge or cost in both 
countries of such good government and law and order in 
India should be apportioned between the two countries, 
according to the importance of respective interests and to 


APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 329 


the proportion of the means or capacity ef each partner in 
the benefit. 

Certainly, no fair and just-minded Englishman would 
say that Britain should have all the gain, glory, and every 
possible benefit of wealth, wisdom, and work of a mighty 
Empire, and the price or cost of it should be all burdened 
on the shoulders of India. 

The correct judgment upon our second part of the re- 
ference will depend upon the fundamental principle upon 
which the British Administration ought to stand. 

1. Is British rule for the good of both India and 
Britain, and a rule of justice and righteousness? or, 

2. Is the British rule solely for the benefit of Britain 
at the destruction of India — or, in other words, the ordi- 
nary rule of foreign despotism, “ the heaviest of all yokes, 
the yoke of the stranger ” (Macaulay) ? 

The first is the avowed and deliberate desire and solemn 
promise and pledge of the British people. The second is 
the performance by the servants of the British nation — 
the Indian authorities — in the system of the administra- 
tion adopted and relentlessly pursued by them. 

The present British-Indian system of administration 
would not take long to degenerate and run into the Rus- 
sian system and troubles, but for the check and drag of 
the British public wish, opinion, and voice. 

Now, my whole argument in this representation will be 
based on the first principle — viz ., the good of both India 
and England and justice and righteousness. I would, 
therefore, dispose of the second in a brief manner — that 
the second (England’s benefit and India’s destruction) is not 
the desire of the British people. 


330 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


It has been the faith of my life, and it is my faith still,, 
that the British people will do justice to India. 

But, however, as unfortunately the system based on 
the second principle — the system which Lord Salisbury 
has described as of “ bleeding ” and “ hypocrisy ” — exists, 
it is desirable to remember the wise words of Lord Salis- 
bury himself, uttered not long ago when he said (Lord 
Mayor’s dinner on 9th November last) : “ * The nature of 
things’ if you please, o-r ‘ the providence of God ’ if you 
please to put it so, has determined that persistent and 
constant misgovernment must lead the government which 
follows it to its doom .... that injustice will bring the 
highest on earth to ruin.” The Duke of Devonshire has 
pointed out that the result of the present system would 
be to make the Indians to come to the conclusion that the 
Indians shall never have any chance “ except by their 
getting rid in the first instance of their European rulers.” 

The question is, do the British people desire such a 
system, to exercise only the right of brute force for their 
sole benefit? I for one, and I can say without any hesita- 
tion that all the educated and thinking Indians do not 
believe so. It is their deep faith and conviction that the 
conscience of the British people towards India is sound, 
and that if they once fully understood the true position 
they would sweep away the whole present unrighteous 
system. The very fact that this Commission is appointed 
for the first time for such a purpose, viz., to deal out fairly 
between the two countries an “ apportionment of charge 
for purposes in which both are interested ” is sufficient to 
show the awakening consciousness and desire to do justice 
and to share fairly the costs as well as the bene- 
fits. If further public indication was at all needed the 


APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 331 

Times, as I have quoted in my first representation, 
has put it very clearly : “ Great Britain is anxious to deal 
fairly with India. If it should appear that India has been 
saddled with charges which the British taxpayer should 
have borne the British taxpayer will not hesitate to do his 
duty.” I would not, therefore, pursue any further the 
assumption of the second principle of selfishness and despot- 
ism, but continue to base my remarks upon the basis of 
the first principle of the desire and determination of the 
British people for justice and righteousness towards India. 

I have stated above that the whole cost of adminis- 
tration is vital to the very existence of the British rule in 
India, and largely essential to the prosperity of the British 
people. Lord Roberts, with other thoughtful statesmen, 
has correctly stated the true relation of the two countries 
more than once. Addressing the L’ondon Chamber of 
Commerce he said : “ I rejoice to learn that you recognise 
bow indissolubly the prosperity of the United Kingdom is 
bound up with the retention of that vast Eastern Empire.” 
(Times 25-5-93.) And again, at Glasgow, he said “ that 
the retention of our Eastern Empire is essential to the 
greatness and prosperity of the United Kingdom.” (Times, 
29-7-93.) And further he also clearly points out upon 
what such an essential retention ultimately depends. Does 
it depend upon tyranny, injustice, bleeding hypocrisy, 
“plundering,” upon imposing the relations of master and 
slave upon large, well equipped and efficient armies ; on the 
unreliable props of brute force ? No. He says, “ But how- 
ever efficient and well equipped the army of India may be, 
were it indeed absolute perfection, and were its numbers 
considerably more than they are at present, our greatest 
strength must ever rest on the firm base of a united and 


332 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


contented India.” Sir William Harcourt said in his speech 
(House of Commons, 3-9-95), “ As long as you have the 
people of India your friends, satisfied with the justice and 
policy of your rule, your Empire then will be safe.” 

Professor Wordsworth has said ( Bombay Gazette , 
3-3-83): “One of the greatest Englishmen of the last 
generation said that if ever we lost our [ndian Empire we 
should lose it like every other we had lost, or were about to 
lose, by alienating the affections of the people.” 

Am I not then justified in asking that it is right and 
just, in order to acquire and preserve the affections of the 
people, that the cost of that administration which is essen- 
tial to your “greatness” and your “prosperity,” by 
which your prosperity is indissolubly bound up with that 
of India, and upon the secureness and law and order of 
which depends your very existence in India and as a great 
Empire, should be fairly shared by the United Kingdom ? 

Leaving this fair claim to the calm and fair considera- 
tion of this Commission and to the sense of justice of the 
British people, I take a less strict view of the duty of 
England, It is said that India should make all such pay- 
ments as she would make for her government and her 
internal and external protection even if there were no 
British rule and only its own Native rule. Now, suppose 
this is admitted, what is the position ? Certainly in that 
case there will be no employment of Europeans. 
The present forced, inordinate, and arbitrary employ- 
ment of Europeans in both the civil and military 
services in both countries is avowedly entirely and solely 
owing to British rule and for British purposes and British 
interests — to maintain British supremacy. If there were 
no British rule there would be no Europeans employed by 


APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 33$ 


the Natives rulers. India accordingly may pay for every 
Indian employed, bub justice demands that the expenditure 
on Europeans in both countries required for the sole inter- 
ests of British rule and for British purposes should be 
paid by the British exchequer. I am not going to discuss 
here whether even British rule itself needs all the present 
civil and military European agency. On the contrary, 
the civil element is their greatest weakness, and will be 
swept away in the time of trouble from discontent and 
disaffection ; and the military element, without being either 
efficient or sufficient in such crises, is simply destructive to 
India, and leading to the very disaster which is intended 
to be averted or prevented by it. Be this as it may, this 
much is clear : that the whole European agency, both 
civil and military, in England and in India, is distinctly 
avowed and admitted to be for the interests of England, 
i. e., to protect and maintain her supremacy in India 
against internal or external dangers. Lord Kimberley 
has put this matter beyond all doubt or controversy, that 
the European services are emphatically for the purpose 
of maintaining British supremacy. He says (dinner to 
Lord Roberts by the Lord Mayor — Times , 13th June 
1893) 

4 ‘ There is one point upon which I imagine, whatever may be 
our party polities in this country, we are all united ; that we are 
resolutely determined to maintain our supremacy over our Indian 
Empire. That I conceive is a matter about which we have only 
one opinion, and let me tell you that that supremacy rests upon 
three distinct bases. One of those bases, and a very important 
one, is the loyalty and good-will of the Native Princes and popu- 
lation over whom we rule. Next, and not less important, is the 
maintenance of our Europern Civil Service, upon which rests the 
foundation of our administration in India. .... Last, not 
because it is the least, but because I wish to give it the greatest 
prominence, we rest also upon the magnificent European force 
which we maintain in that country, and the splendid army of 
Native auxiliaries by which that force is supported. , . . 

Let us firmly and calmly maintain our position in that country * 


334 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


let us be thoroughly armed as to our frontier defences, and then 
I believe we may trust to the old vigour of the people of this 
country, come what may, to support our supremacy in that great 
Empire.” 

Now, this is significant : while L >rd Kimberley talks 
all these grand things, of resolute determination, etc., etc., 
to maintain British supremacy, and for all British pur- 
poses, he does not tell at whose cost. Is it at British 
cost, as it is for British purposes, or even any portion of 
that cost ? He has not told the British public openly that 
it is for every farthing at the cost of the Indians, who are 
thus treated as mere slaves — all the gain, glory and Empire 
“ours,” and all the burden for the Indian helots! Then, 
as I have already said, the second and third bases — the 
European civil and military services — are illusory, are only 
a burden and destruction to India, without being at all a 
sufficient security in the time of any internal and external 
trouble, and that especially the civil service is suicidal to 
the supremacy, and will be the greatest weakness. Then 
it may also be noticed in passing that Lord Kimberley 
gives no indication of the navy having anything important 
to do with, or make any demand on, India, 

However, be all this as it may, one thing is made 
clear by Lord Kimberley, that, as far as Britain is con- 
cerned, the only motive which actuates her in the matter 
of the second and third bases — the European civil and 
military services — is her own supremacy, and nothing else ; 
that there can be no difference of opinion in Britain why 
European services in both countries are forced upon India, 
viz., solely and entirely for British purposes and British 
interests, for “ the resolute determination to maintain our 
supremacy.” 


APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 335 


I would be, therefore, asking nothing unreasonable, 
under the Reference to this Commission, that what is 
entirely for British purposes must in justice be paid for 
by the British people, and the Indian people should not 
be asked to pay anything. I, however, still more modify 
this position. Notwithstanding that the European servi- 
ces, in their present extent and constitution, are India’s 
greatest evil and cause of all its economic miseries and 
destruction, and the very badge of the slavery of a foreign 
domination and tyranny, that India may consider itself 
under a reasonable arrangement to be indirectly benefited 
by a certain extent of European agency, and that for such 
reasonable arrangement India may pay some fair share of 
*the cost of such agenc)' employed in India. As to all the 
State charges incurred in this country for such agency, 
it must be remembered that, in adlition to their being 
entirely for British purposes, they are all, every farthing, 
earned by Europeans, and spent every farthing, in this 
country. It is a charge forced upon India by sheer tyranny, 
without any voice or consent of India. No such 
charge is made upon the Colonies. The Colonial Office 
building and establishment is all a charge upon the British 
Exchequer. All charges, therefore, incurred in this 
country for the India Office and its establishment, and 
similar ones for State purposes, should under any circum- 
stances be paid from the British Exchequer. 

I shall put, briefly, this moderately just “apportion- 
ment of charge” in this way: — 

India and England should pay all salaries which are 
to be paid to their own people, within their own limits, 
respectively — i. e., England should pay for all Englishmen 
employed in England, and India should pay for all 


336 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


Indians employed in India ; and as to those of one country 
who are employed in the other country — i. e., Englishmen 
employed in India, and Indians employed in England — 
let there be some fair and reasonable apportionment be- 
tween the two countries — taking, as much as possible, into 
consideration their respective benefits and capacity of means. 

As to pensions, a reasonable salary being paid during 
service in India, no pensions to follow ; so that, when 
Europeans retire from India, there should be no charge 
cn England for pensions, the employees having made 
their own arrangements for their future from their 
salaries. 

By this arrangemnt India will not only pay all that it 
would pay for a government by itself, supposing the English* 
were not there, but also a share in the cost in India for 
what England regards as absolutely necessary for her own 
purpose of maintaining her Empire in India. 

I may say a few words with regard to the navy. On 
no ground whatever of justice can India be fairly 
charged any share for the navy, except so far as it falls 
within the principle stated above, of actual service in 
Indian harbours. 

1. The whole navy as it exists, and as it is intended 
to be enlarged, is every inch of it required for the protec- 
tion and safety of this country itself — even if Britain had 
no Empire — for its own safety — for its very existence. 

2. Every farthing spent on the navy is entirely 
earned by Englishmen ; not the slightest share goes to 
India, in its gain, or glory, or employment, or in any way. 

3. In the time of war between England and any 
European Powers, or the United States, the navy will not 
be able to protect British commerce itself. 


APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 337 

4. There is no such thing, or very insignificant, as 
Indian foreign commerce or Indians’ risk in what is called 
British Indian foreign commerce. The whole of what is 
called British Indian foreign trade is entirely first British 
risk and British capital. Every inch of the shipping or 
cargo on the seas is British risk of British East India 
banks, British marine insurance companies, and British 
merchants and ship-owners and manufacturers. Any per 
son who has any knowledge of how the whole of what 
is called British Indian foreign trade is carried on will 
easily understand what I mean. 

5. No European Power will go to attack India 
from the sea, leaving the British navy free to pursue it. 

6. Suppose there was no English navy to pursue f 
Lord Roberts’ united and contented, and therefore patriotic 
India will give such an irresistible Indian force at the com- 
mand cf Britain as to give a warm reception to the in- 
vader, and drive him back into the sea if he ever suc- 
ceeded in landing at all. 

With regard to the absolute necessity to the United 
Kingdom itself for its own safety of the whole navy as it 
exists and is intended to be increased, there is but one 
universal opinion, without any distinction of parties. It 
will be easy to quote expressions from every prominent 
politician. It is, in fact, the great subject of the day for 
which there is perfect unanimity. I would content myself, 
however, with a few words of the highest authority in 
the realm under the Sovereign, the Prime Minister, and 
also of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Lord Salisbury 
said in his Brighton speech : — 

“ But dealing with such money as you possess .... then the 
first claim is the naval defence of England. I am glad that you 
22 


338 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


welcome that sentiment It is our business to be quite sure 

of the safety of this island home of ours whose inaccessibility is 
the source of our greatness, that no improvement of foreign 
fleets, and no combination of foreign alliances, should be able for 


a moment to threaten our safety at home We must make 

ourselves safe at sea whatever happens But after all, safety 


— safety from a foreign foe — comes first before every other earthly 
blessing, and we must take care in our responsibility to the 
many interests that depend upon us, in our responsibility to the 
generations that are to succeed us, we must take care that no 
neglect of ours shall suffer that safety to be compromised.” 

Sir M. Hicks- Beach, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
so late as 28th January last (the Times, 29/1/96), said 
emphatically and in a fighting mood : “ We must be pre- 
pared. We must never lose the supremacy of the sea. 
Other nations had not got it, and could afford to do with- 
out it : but supremacy of the sea was vital to our very 
existence.” 

With such necessity for England’s own safety, whe- 
ther she had India or not, any burden to be placed 
on India can only be done on the principle of the right 
of might over our helplessness, and by treating India as 
a helotdom, and not in justice and fairness. Yes ; let 
India have complete share in the whole Imperial system, 
including the Government of this country, and then talk 
of asking her to contribute to Imperial expenses. Then 
will be the time to consider any such question as it is being 
considered in relations with Ireland, which enjoys, short 
of Home Rule, which is vital to it, free and full share in 
the whole Imperial gain and glory — in the navy, army, and 
civil services of the Empire. Let all arrangements exist 
in India as they exist here for entrance into all the Im- 
perial Services here and elsewhere, and it will be time and 
justice to talk of India’s share in Imperial responsibilities. 
Certainly not on the unrighteous and tyrannical principle 


APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 339 


of all gain and glory, employment, etc., for England, and 
share of cost on India, without any share in such gain, 
glory, employment, etc. 

As to the bugbear of Russian invasion. If India is in a 
contented state with England, India will not only give an 
account of Russia, but will supply an army, in the most 
patriotic spirit, large enough to send Russia back to 
■St. Petersburg. India will then fight for herself in fighting 
for Britain. In satisfied India Britain has an inexhausti- 
ble and irresistible store of fighting power, enough and 
more to fight Britain’s battles all over the world, as it has 
been doing. Lord Beaconsfield saw this and showed it 
by bringing Indian troops to Malta. Onty pay honestly 
for what you take, and not dishonourably or tyrannically 
throw burdens upon India for your own purposes and 
interests. With India Britain is great and invincible ; 
without India Britain will be a small Power. Make India 
feel satisfaction, patriotism, and prosperity under your 
supremacy and you may sleep securely against the world. 
But with discontented India, whatever her own fate may 
be — may be subjected by Russia or may repel Russia — 
England can or will have no safe position in India. Of 
course, as I have said before, I am arguing on the assump- 
tion that justice is to be dealt out by this Commission to 
both countries on the basis of the might of right. If that 
is not to be the case, and right of might is to be the 
deciding principle, if the eternal moral force is not to be 
the power, but the ephemeral brute force is to be the pre- 
dominant partner,- then of course I have no argument. 
All argument, then, will be idle breath at present till 
nature in time, as it always does, vindicates and revenges 
itself, and unrighteousness meets with its doom. 


340 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


Our Commission has a great, holy, and patriotic task 
before it. I hope it will perform it, and tell the British 
people the redress that is justly due to India. The very 
first and immediate justice that should be done by England 
is the abolition of the Exchange Compensation — which is 
neither legal nor moral — or pay it herself ; inasmuch as 
every farthing paid will be received by English people 
and in England. It is a heartless, arbitrary, and cruel 
exaction from th6 poverty of India, worse than Shy- 
locky — not only the pound of flesh of the bond, but also 
the ounce of blood. As to the general question of ap- 
portionment, I have stated the principle above. 

Now, another important question in connexion with 
“ apportionment of charge ” has to be considered, mz. y 
of any expenses incurred outside the limits of India 
of 1858. 

I shall take as an illustration the case of North-West 
frontier wars. Every war, large or small, that is carried 
on beyond the frontiers of 1858 is distinctly and clearly 
mainly for Britain’s Imperial and European purposes. It 
is solely to keep her own power in India. If it were 
not for the maintenance of her own power in India and 
her position in Europe she would not care a straw 
whether the Russians or any other power invaded India 
or took it. The whole expenditure is for Imperial and 
European purposes. On 11th February, 1880, Mr. Fawcett 
moved the following Amendment to the Address in reply 
to the Queen’s Speech ( Hansard , vol. 250, p. 453) : — 

“ But humbly desire to express our regret that in view of the 
declarations that have been made by your Majesty’s ministers that 
the war in Afghanistan was undertaken for Imperial purposes, no 
assurance has been given that the cost incurred in consequence of 
the renewal of hostilities in that country will not be wholly defray- 
»d out of the revennes of India.” 


APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 341 


Mr. Fav/cett then said ( Hansard , vol. 250. p. 454): — 

“And, fourthly, the most important question, as far as he was 

able to judge, of who was to pay the expenses of the war It 

seemed to be quite clear that the expenses of the war should not 
be borne by India, and he wished to explain that so far as India 
was concerned this was not to be regarded as a matter of genero- 

sity but of justice and legality The matter must be decided 

on grounds of strict justice and legality (P. 457.) It was a re- 

markable thing that every speech made in that House or out of it 
'by ministers or their supporters on the subject showed that the 
war was a great Imperial enterprise, those who opposed the war 
having always been taunted as being “ parochial ” politicians who 
could not appreciate the magnitude and importance of great Im- 
perial enterprises (P. 458.) He would refer to the speeches 

of the Viceroy of India, the Prime Minister, and the Secretary of 

State for Foreign Affairs upon the subject In December, 

1878, the noble earl* warned the peers that they must extend their 
range of vision, and told them that they were not to suppose that 
this was a war which simply concerned some small cantonments at 
Dalika and Jellalabad, but one undertaken to maintain the influ- 
ence and character not of India, but of England in Europe. Now, 
were they going to make India pay the entire bill for maintaining 

the influence and character of England in Europe? ...His 

lordship t treated the war as indissolubly connected with the 

Eastern question Therefore it seemed to him (Mr. Fawcett) 

that it was absolutely impossible for the Government, unless they 
were prepared to cast to the winds their declarations, to come 

down to the House and regard the war as an Indian one All he 

desired was a declaration of principle, and he would be perfectly 
satisfied if some one representing the Government would get up 
and say that they had always considered this war as an Imperial 
one, for the expenses of which England and India were jointly 
liable.” 

Afterwards Mr. Fawcett said (p. 477) : — 

“ He was entirely satisfied with the assurance which had been 
given on the part of the Government that the House should have 
an opportunity of discussing the question before the Budget was 
introduced, and would therefore beg leave to withdraw his amend- 
ment.” 

In the House of Lords, Lord Beaconsfield emphasised 
the objects to be for British Imperial purposes (25/2/80 — 
Hansard, vol. 250, p, 1,094): — 


* The Prime Minister, 
t The Marquis of Salisbury. 


342 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


“ That the real question at issue was whether England should* 

possess the gates of her own great Empire in India We 

resolved that the time has come when this country should acquire 
the complete command and possession of the gates of the Indian 
Empire. Let me at least believe that the Peers of England are 
still determined to uphold not only the Empire but the honour 
of this country.” 

So it is clear that the object of all the frontier wars,, 
large or small, was that “ England should possess the 
gates of her own great Empire,” that this country should 
acquire the complete command and possession of the 
gates of the Indian Empire,” and uphold not only the 
Empire, but also “ the honour of this country.” Can 
anything be more clear than the Imperial character of the 
frontier wars ? 

Mr. Fawcett, again, on 12/3/80, moved ( Hansard 
vol. 251, p. 922) : — 

“ That in view of the declarations which have been officially 
made that the Afghan war was undertaken in the joint interests of 
England and India, this House is of opinion that it is unjust to 
defray out of the revenues of India the whole of the expenditure 
incurred in the renewal of hostilities with Afghanistan.” 

Speaking to this motion, Mr. Fawcett, after referring 
to the past declarations of the Prime Minister, the 
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and the Chancellor 
of the Exchequer, quoted from the speech of the Viceroy 
soon after his arrival (p. 923) : — 

“ I came to India, and just before leaving England for India I 
had frequent interviews with Lord Salisbury, the then Indian 
Secretary, and I came out specially instructed to treat the Indian 
frontier question as an indivisible part of a great Imperial question 
mainly depending for its solution upon the general policy of her 
Majesty’s Government. . . .” 

And further on Mr. Fawcett said (p. 926) : — 

“ What was our policy towards self-governed Colonies and 
towards India not self-governed ? In the self-governed Colony of 
the Cape we had a Avar for which Ave Avere not responsible. Who 
was to pay for it ? It Avould cost the English people something 
like £ 5 , 000 , 000 . In India, there Avas a Avar for Avhich the Indian 


APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 343 


people were not responsible — a war which grew out of our own 
policy and actions in Europe — and we are going to make the 
Indian people, who were not self-governed and were not repre- 
sented, pay every sixpence of the cost.” 

And so Lord Salisbury, as Secretary of State for 
India, and the Viceroy had cleared up the whole posi- 
tion — “ to treat the Indian frontier question as an 
indivisible part of a great Imperial question, mainly 
depending for its solution upon the general policy- of her 
Majesty’s Government,” and the Indian people having no 
voice or choice in it. 

Mr. Gladstone, following Mr. Fawcett, said (p. 930) : — 

“ It appears to me that, to make such a statement as that the 
judgment of the Viceroy is a sufficient expression of that of the 
people of India, is an expression of paradox really surprising, 

and such as is rarely heard among us (P. 932.) In my opinion 

my hon. friend the member for Hackney has made good his case... 

Still, I think it fair and right to say that, in my opinion, 

my hon. friend the member for Hackney has completely made 
good his case. His case, as I understand it, has not received one 

shred of answer (P. 933.) In the speech of the Prime 

Minister, the speech of Lord Salisbury, and the speech of the 
Viceroy of India, and, I think my hon. friend said, in a speech by 
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, this Afghan war has been 
distinctively recognised as partaking of the character of an Im- 
perial war But I think not merely a small sum like that, 

but what my right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer 
would call a solid and substantial sum, ought to be borne by this 
country, at the very least (P. 935.) As regards the sub- 

stance of the motion, I cordially embrace the doctrine of my hon. 
friend the member for Hackney. There is not a constituency in 
the country before which I would not be prepared to stand, if it 
were the poorest and most distressed in the land, if it were com- 
posed of a body of men to all of whom every addition of a far- 
thing for taxes was a sensible burden, and before them I would 
be glad to stand and plead that, when we have made in India a war 
which our own Government have described as in part an Imperial 
war, we ought not for a moment to shrink from the respon- 
sibility of assuming at least a portion of the cost of that war, 
in correspondence with that declaration, instead of making use of 
the law and argument of force, which is the only law and the only 
argument which we possess or apply to place the whole of this 
burden on the shoulders of the people of India. 


344 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


The upshot of the whole was that England contri- 
buted <£5,000,000 out of <£21,000,000 spent on this war, 
when one would have naturally expected a “ far more 
solid and substantial ” sum from rich England, whose 
interest was double, both Imperial and European. But 
the extent of that contribution is not the present 
question with me. It is the principle that “ the Indian 
frontier question is one indivisible part of a great Imperial 
question, mainly depending for its solution upon the 
general polic}’ of her Majesty’s Government,” and that, 
therefore, a fair apportionment must be made of all 
the charge or cost of all frontier wars, according to the 
extent of the interest and of the means of each country. 

Coming down to later times, the action of Mr. 
Gladstone on 27th April, 1885, to come to the House 
of Commons to ask for <£11,000,000 — and the House 
accepting his proposal — on the occasion of the Penjdeh 
incident, is again a most significant proof of the Imperial 
character of these frontier wars. He said ( Hansard , vol. 
297, p. 859):— 

“ I have heard with great satisfaction the assurance of hon. 
gentlemen opposite that they are disposed to forward in every way 
the grant of funds to us to be used as we best think for the 
maintenance of what I have upon former occasions described as a 
National and Imperial policy. Certainly, an adequate sense of our 
obligations to our Indian Empire has never yet been claimed by 
any party in this country as its exclusive inheritance. In my 
opinion he will be guilty of a moral offence and gross political 
folly who should endeavour to claim on behalf of his own party 
any superiority in that respect over those to whom he is habi- 
tually opposed. It is an Imperial policy in which we are engaged.” 

Lastlj 7 , last year (15/8/95) the present leader of the 
House of Commons (Mr. Balfour) in his speech referred 
to “ a serious blow to our prestige ; ” “ that there are two 
and only two great powers they (the tribesmen) have to 


APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 345 


consider,” “ to us , and to us alone, must they look as a 
suzerain power.” “ To depend upon the British throne.” 
(The italics are mine.) So it is all “ours” and “us” 
for all gain and glory and Imperial possessions, and 
European position — except that India must be forced to 
pay the bill. Is this the sense and conscience of English 
justice to make India pay the whole cost of the Chitral 
war or any frontier war ? 

Though the real and principal guiding motive for 
the British Government for these frontier wars is only 
Imperial and European for “ its resolute determination” 
of keeping its possession of India and position in Europe, 
still India does not want to ignore its indirect and inci- 
dental benefit of being saved from falling into Russia’s 
hands, coupled with the hope that when British conscience 
is fully informed and aroused to a true sense of the great 
evils of the present system of administration, these evils 
will be removed. India, therefore, accepts that these frontier 
wars, as far as they may be absolutely necessary, involves 
Indian interests also, and would be willing to pay a fair 
share according to her means. 

India, therefore, demands and looks to the present 
Commission hopefully to apportion a fair division for the 
cost of all frontier wars in which India and England have 
and had purposes of common interest. This whole argu- 
ment will apply to all wars, on all the frontiers 
of India — East, West, North, or South. With reference 
to all wars outside all the frontiers of India and in 
which India has no interest, Britain should honestly 
pay India fully for all the services of men or materials 
which she has taken and may take from India — not, 
as in the Abyssinian War, shirk any portion. Sir 


346 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


^ Henry Fowler, in his speech in the House of Com- 
mons (22/7/93), said: — “I say on behalf of the English 
people, they want to deal with Ireland, not shabbily but 
generously.” I believe that the English people wish to 
deal with India also justly and generously. But do their 
servants, the Indian authorities, act in that way? Has 
not India greater claims than even Ireland on the justice 
and the generosity of the English people ? Inasmuch as 
the Irish people have the voice of their own direct 
representatives in Parliament on their own and Imperial 
affairs, while India is helpless and entirely at the mercy 
of England, with no direct vote of her own, not only in 
Parliament, but even in the Legislative Councils in India,, 
on any expenditure out of her own revenues. Ireland 
not only has such voice, but has a free and complete 
share in all the gain and glory of the British Empire.. 
An Irishman can occupy any place in the United Kingdom 
or India. Can an Indian occupy any such position, even 
in his own country, let alone in the United Kingdom ? 
JSTot only that, but that these authorities not only do 
not act justly or generously, but they treat India even 
“ shabbily.” 

Let us take an illustration or two. What is it if not 
shabby to throw the expenses of Prince Nassarulla’s 
visit upon the Indian people ! There is the Mutiny 
of 1857. The causes were the mistakes and mis- 
management of your own authorities ; the people had 
not only no share in it, but actually were ready at 
your call to rise and support you. Punjab sent forth 
its best blood, and your supremacy was triumphantly 
maintained, and what was the reward of the people? 
You indicted upon the people the whole payment 


APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 347 


to the last farthing of the cost of that deplorable event, of 
your own servants’ making. Not only then was India 
unjustly treated, but even “ shabbily.” Let Lord North- 
brook speak : House of Lords (1 5/5/93-- Debates, vol. xii,. 

p. 874) 

“ The whole of the ordinary expenses in the Abyssinian expedi- 
tion were paid by India.* Only the extraordinary expenses being 
paid by the Home Government, the argument used being that 
India would have to pay her troops in the ordinary way, and she 
ought not to seek to make a profit out of the affair. But how did 
the Home Government treat the Indian Government when troops 
were sent out during the Mutiny ? Did they say, ‘ we don’t want to 
make any profit out of this ’ ? Not a bit of it. Every single man 
sent out was paid for by India during the whole time, though only 
temporary use was made of them, including the cost of their 
drilling and training as recruits until they were sent out.” 

Can anything be more “shabby,” not to use a 
stronger word. Here you send troops for your own 
very existence. The people help you as best they 

can, and you not only not pay even any portion of the 
expenditure but reward the people for their loyalty with 
the infliction of not only the whole expense and additional 
burdens but even as shabbily as Lord Northbrook discloses. 
Is this the way by dealing unjustly and shabbily with the 
people that you teach them and expect them to stand by 
you in the time of trouble! And still more, since then,, 
you have in a marked way been treating the people with 
distrust, and inflicting upon them unnecessarily and sel- 
fishly a larger and more expensive army to be paid for 
as wholly and as shabbily as the army of the Mutiny — 
viz., including the cost or a portion of the cost of their 
drilling and training as recruits until they are sent out, 
though all the troops are in this country and they form an 
integral part of the British Army. And the whole expen - 

* With it India had nothing to do, and yet Britain did no t 
pay all expenses. 


348 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


diture of the frontier was including Cbitral is imposed 
upon the Indian people, though avowedly incurred for 
Imperial and European purposes, excepting that for very 
shame, a fourth of the cost of the last Afghan War was 
paid from the British Exchequer, thanks to Mr. Fawcett. 
In fact, the whole European army is an integral part of 
the British Army, India, being considered and treated as 
a fine training ground for the British Army, at any 
expense, for English gain, glory, and prestige, and as a 
hunting ground for “ our boys,” and as a point of 
protection for British Imperial and European position, 
leaving the Indians the helotry or the proud privilege 
of paying for everything to the last farthing, without 
having the slightest voice in the matter ! The worst of the 
whole thing is that having other and helpless people’s 
money to spend, without any check from the British 
taxpayer, there is no check to any unnecessary and 
extravagant expenditure. 

Now, even all these unjust inflictions for the Mutiny, 
and all past tyranny were considered somewhat, if not 
fully, compensated by that great, noble, and sacred with 
invocation of Almighty God, Proclamation of 1858, by 
which it was proclaimed to India and to the world that 
the Indian subjects were raised to an equality with the 
British subjects in their citizenship and British rights. 
And is that solemn pledge kept ? Not a bit of it. On 
the contrary, all such pledges are pronounced by Lord 
Salisbury as “ hypocrisy,” by Lord Lytton as “ cheating ” 
by “ deliberate and transparent subterfuges,” and “ by 
breaking to the heart the word of promise they had 
uttered to the ear,” by a Committee of the Council of 
the India Office itself as “ keeping promise to the ear and 


APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 349' 


breaking it to the hope,” and by the Duke of Argyll as 
“we have not fulfilled our promises.” 

Can it be expected that by such methods of financial 
injustice and violation of pledges can be acquired the 
affection of the people upon which mainly and ultimately 
depends, as many a statesman has said the stability of the 
British supremacy ? 

At Glasgow, on November 14, 1895, Mr. Balfour 
said : “ You all remember that the British Army — and 

in the British Army I include those Native soldiers, 
fellow subjects of ours, who on that day did great work 
for the Empire of which they are all citizens.” — This is 
the romance. Had Mr. Balfour spoken the reality, he 
would have said : “ Include those Native soldiers, the 
drudges of ours, who on that day did great v/ork 
for the Empire of which they are kept-down subjects.” 
For, does not Mr. Balfour know that, far from being 
treated as “fellow subjects ” and “ citizens of the Empire,” 
the Indians have not only to shed their blood for the Em- 
pire, but even to pay every farthing of the cost of these 
wars for “ our Empire ” and “ our European position,” that 
no pledges, however solemn and binding, to treat Indians as 
“ fellow subjects ” or British citizens have been faithfully 
kept either in letter or spirit, that however much these 
Indians may be brave and shed their blood for Imperial 
purposes or be made to pay “ cruel and crushing tribute ” 
they are not allowed any vote in the Imperial Parliament 
or a vote in the Indian Legislative Councils on their own 
financial expenditure, that their employment in the 
officering of the Army, beyond a few inferior positions 
of Subadar Major or Jamadar Major, etc., is not at all 
allowed, that the}? are distrusted and disarmed-—are not 


•350 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


allowed to become volunteers — that every possible ob- 
stacle is thrown and “ subterfuge ” resorted to against the 
advancement of the Indians in the higher positions of all 
the Civil Services, and that the simple justice of allowing 
Indians an equality to be simultaneously examined in 
their own country, for Indian services, decided by Act 
and resolution of Parliament and solemnly pledged by 
the great Proclamation, is resisted by every device and 
subterfuge possible unworthy of the English character. 
Is it not a mockery and an insult to call the Indians 
“fellow subjects and citizens of the Empire JJ when in 
reality they are treated as under-heel subjects ? 

Here are Us. 128,574,590, or nearly Rs. 129,000,000, 
spent from April, 1882, to March, 1891 (Pari. Return, 
91 of 1895), beyond “the West and North-West frontiers 
of India,” after the disastrous expenditure of <£21,000,000 
in the last Afghan War (of which only a quarter was 
paid by the British Exchequer). Every pie of this 
nearly Rs. 129,000,000 is exacted out of the poverty- 
stricken Indians, and all for distinctly avowed Imperial 
and European British purposes. I do not know whether 
the Us. 129,000,000 includes the ordinary pay of all 
the soldiers and officers employed in the Frontier 
Service, or whether it is only the extraordinary military 
expenditure that is included. If the ordinary pay is 
not included, then the amount will be larger than 
Us. 129,000,000. And these are “ our fellow subjects” 
and “ our Imperial citizens ” ! To shed blood for Im- 
perial purposes and to pay the whole cost also ! 

Lord George Hamilton said at Chiswick (Times, 
22/1/96): “ He hoped that the result of the present 

•Government’s tenure of office would be to make the 


APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 351 

British Empire not merely a figure of speech, but a 
living reality.” Now, is not this as much romance as 
that of Mr. Balfour’s, instead of being a “ living re- 
ality ” ? All the questions I have asked for Mr. Balfour’s 
expressions apply as forcibly to the words of the present 
Secretary of State of India, who ought to know the 
real despotically subjected position of the people of 
British India, forming two-thirds of the Empire. Yes, 
the British Empire can be made a “living reality” of 
union and devoted attachment, but not under the present 
system of British Indian administration. It can be, 
when in that system, justice, generosity, fair apportion- 
ment of charges, and honour, and “ courage of keeping 
the word ” shall prevail over injustice, helotdom, and 
dishonour of open violation of the most solemn words 
of honour. 

Now, Mr. Chamberlain, at Birmingham {Times, 
27/1/96), said in reference to the African Republic: — 

“ Now, I have never denied that there is just cause for dis- 
content in the Transvaal Republic. The majority of the popula- 
tion there pay nine-tenths of the taxation, and have no share 
whatever in the government of the country. That is an anomaly 
which does not exist in any other civilized community, and it is 
an anomaly which wise and prudent statesmanship would remove. 
I believe it can be removed without danger to the independence 
of the Republic, and I believe until it is removed you have no 
permanent guarantee against future internal disturbances.” 

Do not these words apply with ten times force to 
the case of India, and is not that wise and prudent 
statesmanship which is preached here required to be 
practised in connexion with the greatest part of the 
British Empire? I venture to use Mr. Chamberlain’s 
words : — 

“ I believe (the anomaly) can be removed without danger to 
the stability of the British power, or, rather, with devoted and 
patriotic attachment of the British connexion ; and I believe that 


352 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


until it is removed you have no permanent guarantee against 
future internal disturbances.” 

The Times (1/2/96) in a leader on Lord Salisbury’s 
speech before the Non-Conformist Unionist Association, 
in a sentence about the Outlandevs, expresses what is 
peculiarly applicable to the present position of India. 
It says : — 

44 The Outlanders in the Transvaal — not a minority, but a 
large majority — are deprived of all share of political power and 
of the most elementary privileges of citizenship, because the 
dominate class, differing from them in race and feeling, as Lord 
Salisbury says, 4 have the government and have the rifles.’ ” 

The Indians must provide every farthing for the 
supremacy of the minority of “ the dominant class,” 
and should not have the slightest voice in the spend- 
ing of that every farthing, and find every solemn 
pledge given for equality of British citizenship flagrant- 
ly broken to the heart in letter and in spirit. And 
why ? Is it because, as Lord Salisbury says, “ they 
have the Government and have the rifles or as 
Mr. Gladstone said about India itself, ;t the law and argu- 
ment of force, which is the only law and argument which 
we possess or apply.” This Commission has the duty, at 
least so far as a fair apportionment of charge is concerned, 
to redress this great wrong. 

Do the British Indian authorities really think that 
the Indians are only like African savages, or mere children, 
that, even after thousands of years of civilisation, when the 
Britons were only barbarians ; after the education they 
have received at the blessed British hands, producing, as 
Lord Dufferin said, “ Native gentlemen of great attain- 
ments and intelligence” (Jubilee speech) ; they do not see 
and understand these deplorable circumstances of their true 
position of degradation and economic destruction ? Or da 


APPORTIONMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND INDIA. 353 


these authorities not care, even if the Indians did under- 
stand, as long as they can mislead the British people into 
the belief that all is right and beneficient in British India, 
when it is really not the case ? 

But the faith of the Indians in the conscience of the 
British people is unbounded and unshakeable, and the little 
incidents of bright spots keep up that faith, such as the 
justice of not burdening the Indian people with the cost of 
the Opium Commission, and — even though inadequate and 
partial — the payment of one-fourth of the cost of the last 
Afghan War. It is these acts of justice that consolidate 
the British rule and tend towards its stability. 

I believe now, as I have always believed, that the 
English people wish and want to deal with India justly and 
generously. When I say that I believe in the British 
character of fair play and justice, it is not a sentiment of 
to-day or yesterday. In the very first political speech of 
my life, made as far back as 1853, at the formation of the 
Bombay Association, on the occasion of the Parliamentary 
Enquiry on Indian Affairs for the renewal of the Com- 
pany’s Charter, I said : — 

“ When we see that our Government is often ready to assist 
us in everything calculated to benefit us, we had better, than 
merely complain and grumble, point out in a becoming manner 

what our real wants are If an Association like this be always 

in readiness to ascertain by strict enquiries the probably good or 
bad effects of any proposed measure, and whenever necessary to 
memorialise Government on behalf of the people with respect to 
them, our kind Governmemt will not refuse to listen to such 
memorials,” 

And under that belief the Bombay Association, the 
British Indian Association of Bengal, and the Madras Asso- 
ciation, memorialised the then Select Committee on Indian 
affairs — for redress of grievances. 

Now, after not very short of nearly half a century of 
23 


354 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


hopes and disappointments, these are still my sentiments 
to-day — that with correct and full knowledge the British 
people and Parliament will do what is right and just. 

I may here take the opportunity of making a remark 
or two about the wide extent of the scope of the enquiry 
of this Commission in the first part of the Reference. 

Lord Cranborne, soon after having been Secretary of 
State for India, said (24/5/67) in reference to the powers 
of the Council of the Secretary of State for India : — • 
u It possesses by Act of Parliament an absolute and eonelusive 
veto upon the Acts of the Government of India with reference to 
nine-tenths, I might almost say ninety-nine hundredths, of the 
questions that arise with respect to that Government. Parliament 
has provided that the Council may veto any despatch which 
directs the appropriation of public money. Everyone knows 
that almost every question connected with Government raises in 
some way or other the question of expenditure.” 

The first part of the Reference to this Commission 
thus embraces “ almost every question connected with 
Government.” “ Ninety-nine hundredths of the questions 
that arise with respect to that Government.” 

This view is ully confirmed by the enquiry by the 
Select Committee of 1871-4. The Reference to it was “to 
enquire into the Finance and Financial Administration of 
India,” and our first reference is fully of the same scope 
and character. Now, what was the extent of the subjects 
of the enquiry made by that Committee ? The index of 
the proceedings of the four years (1871-4) has a table of 
contents headed : “ Alphabetical and Classified List of the 
principal headings in the following Index, with the pages 
at which they will be found.” And what is the number of 
these headings ? It is about 420. In fact, there is hardly 
a subject of Government which is not enquired into. 

Yours truly, 

Dadabhai Naoroji. 


IV. 

THE RIGHT RELATIONS BETWEEN 
BRITAIN AND INDIA.* 



Dear Lord Welby, — I have to request you kindly 
to put before the Commission this further representation 
from me on the subjects of our enquiry. This will be 
my last letter, unless some phase of the enquiry needed 
any further explanation from me. 

Looking at the first part of the enquiry from every 
point of view, with regard to the administration and 
management of expenditure, we come back again and 
again to the view expressed by the Duke of Devonshire 
and Sir William Hunter and others. The Duke of 
Devonshire has said : “ If the country is to be better 
governed, that can only be done by the employment of 
the best and most intelligent of the Natives in the Ser- 
vice.” Sir William Hunter has said : “ But the good 
work thus commenced has assumed such dimensions, 
under the Queen’s Government of India that it can no 
longer be carried on or even supervised by imported 
labour from England except at a cost which India cannot 
sustain. . . . If we are to govern the Indian people 

efficiently and cheaply, we must govern them by means 
of themselves, and pay for the administration at the 
market rates of Native labour.” 

From all I have said in my previous representations 
it must have been seen that the real evil and misery of 
the people of British India does not arise from the 


* Submitted to the Welby Commission, 21st March 1896. 


356 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


amount of expenditure. India is capable, under natural 
circumstances, of providing twice, three times or more the 
expenditure, as the improvement of the country may 
need, in attaining all necessary progress. The evil really 
is in the way in which that expenditure is administered 
and managed, with the effect of a large portion of that 
expenditure not returning to the people from whom it is 
raised — in short, as Lord Salisbury has correctly described 
as the process of “ bleeding.” No country in the world 
(England not excepted) can stand such bleeding. To stop 
this bleeding is the problem of the day— bleeding both 
moral and material. You may devise the most perfect 
plan or scheme of government, not only humanly but 
divinely perfect — you may have the foreign officials, the 
very angels themselves — but it will be no earthly good to 
the people as long as the bleeding management of ex- 
penditure continues the same. On the contrary, the evil 
will increase by the very perfection of such plan or scheme 
for imorovements and progress. For, as improvements 
and progress are understood to mean, at present, it is 
more and more bleeding by introducing more and more 
the foreign bleeding agency. 

The real problem before the Commission is not how 
to nibble at the expenditure and suggest some pcor re- 
ductions here and there, to be put aside in a short time, 
as is always done, but how to stop the material and moral 
bleeding, and leaving British India a freedom of develop- 
ment and progress in prosperity which her extraordinary 
natural resources are capable of, and to treat her justly 
in her financial relations with Britain by apportioning 
fairly the charge on purposes in which both are interested. 
Or, to put the problem in its double important bearings, 


RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND INDIA. 357 


in the words of an eminent statesman, “ which should at 
once afford a guarantee for the good government of the 
people, and for the security of British rights and inter- 
ests ” (Lord Iddesleigb), as will be seen further on. I am 
glad to put before the Commission that this problem has 
been not merely enunciated, but that, with the courage 
of their convictions, two eminent statesmen have actually 
carried it out practically, and have done that with remark- 
able success. I am the more glad to bring forward this 
case before the Commission, as it also enables me to ad- 
duce an episode in the British Indian administration on 
the conduct of the Indian authorities in both countries 
and other Anglo-Indian officials, which reflects great 
credit upon all concerned in it — and as my information 
goes, and as it also appears from the records, that her 
Majesty personally has not a little share in this praise, and 
in evoking a hearty Indian gratitude and loyalty 
to herself. This episode also clearly indicates or 
points to the way as to what the true natural relations 
should be between Britain and India, with the result of 
the welfare and prosperity of both, and the security and 
stabilit}^ of British supremacy. 

In my previous letters I have confined myself to the evil 
results — suicidal to Britain and destructive to India — of 
the present unnatural system of the administration and 
management of expenditure and the injustice of the finan- 
cial relations between the two countries, loudly calling for 
a just apportionment of charge for purposes in which both 
are interested. 

Without dwelling any further on this melancholy aspect, 
I shall ac once proceed to the case to which I have alluded 
above, and in connexion with which there have been true 


358 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


statesmanlike and noble declarations made as to the right 
relations between Britain and India as they ought to exist. 
This case is in every way a bright chapter in the history of 
British India. The especially remarkable feature of this 
case is that notwithstanding the vehement and determined 
opposition to it from all Indian authorities for some thirty- 
six years, after this wise, natural, and righteous course 
was decided upon by her Majesty and the Secretary of 
State for India of the time, all the authorities, both here 
and in India, carried it out in the most loyal, earnest, 
and scrupulous manner and solicitude worthy of the 
British name and character — in striking contrast with the 
general conduct of these authorities, by which they have 
almost always frustrated and made dead letters of Acts 
and Resolutions of Parliament and royal proclamations and 
most solemn pledges on behalf of the British people by all 
sorts of un-English “ subterfuges,” “ cheating devices ” 
(Lytton), “hypocrisy” (Salisbury), “non-fulfilment of 
pledges n (Duke of Argyll, Lytton, and others), etc., in 
matters of the advancement and elevation of the Indian 
people to material and moral prosperity, and to real British 
rights and citizenship. Had they fortunately shown the 
same loyalty and true sense of their trust to these Acts and 
Resolutions of Parliament, to the solemn proclamations and 
pledges, as have been shown in the case I am referring to, 
what a different, prosperous, and grateful India would it 
have been to-day, blessing the name of Britain, and both 
to its glory and gain. It is not too late yet. It will be a 
pity if it ever becomes too late to prevent disaster. 

On 22nd January, 1867, Lord Salisbury (then Lord 
Cranborne and Secretary of State for India) said ( Hcmsard r 
vol. 185, p. 839) 


RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND INDIA. 359 


“But there are other considerations, and I think the hon. 
gentleman (Sir Henry Rawlinson) stated them very fairly and 
eloquently. I do not myself see our way at present to employing 
very largely the Natives of India in the regions under our imme- 
diate control. But it would be a great evil if the result of our 
dominion was that the Natives of India who were capable of 
government should be absolutely and hopelessly excluded from 
such a career. The great advantage of the existence of Native 
States is that they afford an outlet for statesmanlike capacity such 
as has been alluded to. I need not dwell upon the consideration 
to which the hon. gentleman so eloquently referred, bnt I think 
that the existence of a well-governed Native State is a real 
benefit , not only to the stability of our rule, but because, more 
than anything, it raises the self-respect of the Natives and forms 

an ideal to which the popular feelings aspire Whatever 

treaties or engagements may be entered into, I hope that I shall 
not be looked upon by gentlemen of the Liberal party as very 
revolutionary if I say that the welfare of the people of India 
must override them all. 1 quite admit the temptations which a 
paramount power has to interpret that axiom rather for its own 
advantage than its own honour. There is no doubt of the existence 
of that temptation, but that does not diminish the truth of the 
maxim.” [The italics are mine.] 

On 24th May, 1867, Lord Iddesleigh (then Sir Stafford 
Northcote and Secretary of State for India) said ( Hansard 
vol. 187, p. 1068): — 

“ He believed that the change in education in India, and the 
fact that the Natives now saw what their system of government 
was and is, had told most beneficially on that country. He had, 
therefore, confidence that we might establish a state of things in 
Mysore which would have a happy effect on the administration of 
the country. What had taken place in other parts of India? 
Travancore forty years ago was in as bad a state as Mysore, yet 
its administration under British influence had so greatly improved 
that Travancore was now something like a model Native State. 
Our Indian policy should be founded on a broad basis. There 
might be difficulties ; but what we had to aim at was to esta- 
blish a system of Native States which might maintain them- 
selves in a satisfactory relation. Keeping the virtues of Native 
States, and getting rid, as far as possible, of their disadvantages. 
We must look to the great natural advantages which the govern- 
ment of a Native State must necessarily have. Under the English 
system there were advantages which would probably never be under 
Native Administration -regularity, love of law and order and 
justice.” 


360 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


Had Lord Iddesleigh lived be would have with plea- 
sure seen that the advantages he refers to are being 
attained in the Native States ; and in Mysore itself, as 
well as in several other States, they have been largely 
already attained. And under the eye of the British 
Government there is progress everywhere. Lord Iddesleigh 
proceeds : — 

“ But native Administration had the advantage in sympathy 
between the governors and the governed .§ Governors were able to 
appreciate and understand the prejudices and wishes of the 
governed ; especially in the ease of Hindu States, the religious 
feelings of the people were enlisted in favour of their governors 
instead of being roused against us.* He had been told by gentle- 
men from India that nothing impressed them more than walking 
the streets of some Indian town, they looked up at the houses on 
each side and asked themselves, ‘ what do we really know of these 
people — of their modes of thought, their feelings, their prejudices 
— and at what great disadvantage, in consequence, do we adminis- 
ter the government.’ The English Government must necessarily 
labour under great disadvantages,!' and we should endeavour as 
far as possible to develop the system of Native government to 
bring out Native talent and statesmanship , and to enlist in the 
cause of government all that was great and good in them. 
Nothing could be more wonderful than our Empire in India ; but 
we ought to consider on what conditions we hold it and how our 
predecessors held it. The greatness of the Mogul Empire depend- 
ed on the liberal policy that was pursued by men like the great 
Emperor Akbar and his successors availing themselves of Hindu 
talent and assistance, and identifying themselves as far as possible 
with the people of the country. They ought to take a lesson from 
such circumstances. If they were to do their duty towards 
India they could only discharge that duty by obtaining assist- 
ance and counsel of all who are great a,nd good in that 
country. It would be absurd in them to say that there was not 
a large fund of statesmanship and ability in the Indian character. 
They really must not be too proud. They were always ready to 
speak of the English government as so infinitely superior to any- 
thing in the way of Indian government. But if the Natives of 
India were disposed to be equally critical, it would be possible for 
them to find out weak places in the harness of the English 

* The same can be said about the Muhammadans and other 
people. 

t The greatest of them is the economic evil which Lord Salis- 
bury has truly called the bleeding of the country. 




RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND INDIA. 361 


administration. The system in India was one of great complexity. 
It was a system of checks and counter checks, and very often 
great abuses failed to be controlled from want of a proper know- 
ledge of and sympathy with the Natives.” [The italics are mine.] 

On the same day Lord Salisbury, supporting Lord 
Iddesleigh, said ( Hansard , vol. 187, p. 1073):— 

“ The general concurrence of opinion of those who know 
India best is that a number of well-governed small Native 
States arc in the highest degree advantageous to the develop- 
ment of the political and moral condition of the people of 
India. The hon. gentleman (Mr. Laing) arguing in the strong 
official line seems to take the view that everything is 
right in British territory and everything dark in Native 
territory. Though he can cite the case of Oudh, I venture to 
doubt if it could be established as a general view of India as it 
exists at present. If Oudh is to bo quoted against Native 
Government, the Report of the Orissa Famine, which will be 
presented in a few days, will be found to be another and far more 
terrible instance to be quoted against English rule. The British 
Government has never been guilty of the violence and illegality 
of Native Sovereigns. But it has faults of its own , which 
though they are far more guiltless in intention , are more terri- 
ble in effect. Its tendency to routine ; its listless heavy heedless- 
ness, sometimes the result of its elaborate organisation ; a fear of 
responsibility, an extreme centralisation — all these results, trace- 
able to causes for which no man is culpable, produce an amount 
of inefficiency which when reinforced by natural causes and 
circumstances, creates a terrible amount of misery- All these 
things must be taken into consideration when you compare our 
elaborate and artificial system of government with the more 
rough and ready system cf India. In cases of emergency, unless 
you have men of peculiar character on the spot, the simple form of 
Oriental government will produce effects more satisfactory than 
the more elaborate system of English rule. I am not by this deny- 
ing that our mission in India is to reduce to order, to civilise and 
develop the Native Governments we find there. * But I demur to 
that wholesale condemnation of a system of government which 
will be utterly intolerable on our own soil, but which has grown 
up amongst the people subjected to it. It has a fitness and 
congeniality for them impossible for us adequately to realise, but 
which compensate them to an enormous degree for the material 
evils which its rudeness in a great many cases produces. I may 

* This is being actually done. Every effort is being made to 
bring the administration of the Native States to the level of the 
organisation of the British system which is not a little to the 
credit of the British Government. 


362 


DADABEJAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


mention as an instance what was told me by Sir George Clerk, 
a distinguished member of the Council of India, respecting the 
Province of Kathiawar, in which the English and Native Govern- 
ments are very much intermixed. There are no broad lines of 
frontier there, and a man can easily leap over the hedge from the 
Native into the English jurisdiction. Sir George Clerk told me 
that the Natives having little to carry with them were continually 
in the habit of migrating from the English into the Native juris- 
diction, but that he never heard of an instance of a Native leav- 
ing his own to go into the English jurisdiction. This may be very 
bad taste on the part of the Natives ; but you have to consider 
what promotes their happiness, suits their tastes, and tends to 
their moral development in their own way. If you intend to deve- 
lop their moral nature only after an Anglo-Saxon type, you will 
make a conspicuous and disastrous defeat.” [The italics are 
mine.] 

In the above extract. Lord Salisbury says that the 
inefficiency reinforced by natural causes and circumstances 
creates a terrible amount of misery. These natural causes and 
circumstances which create the terrible amount of misery 
are pointed out by Lord Salisbury himself, as Secretary of 
State for India, in a Minute (29-4-75). He says “the 
injury is exaggerated in the case of India, where so much 
of the revenue is exported without a direct equivalent. 
And that under these causes and circumstances, the result 
is that “ India must be bled,” so that he truly shows 
that though under the British rule there is no personal 
violence, the present system of the administration of 
expenditure cannot but create and does “ create a terri- 
ble amount of misery .” 

Further, the crude and defective system of adminis- 
tration under the old system of Native rule is all 
changed and cannot apply to the present administration 
in British India. Any alteration that may be deemed 
necessary to be made for remedying this “ terrible amount 
of misery,” would not involve in British India any 
alteration at all in the existing developed plan or system 
o f the organisation of the administration. 


RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND INDIA. 363 


Now, the moral of the above extracts from the 
speeches of Lords Salisbury and Iddesleigh is clear. 
Under the present system of administration of govern- 
ment and expenditure and unjust financial relations, in 
the very nature of things, there is a perpetual and in- 
evitable result of terrible misery, of slavery (Macaulay), 
absolute hopelessness of higher life or career, despair, 
self-abasement, without any self-respect (Salisbury), ex- 
treme destitution and suffering ( Bright), extreme poverty 
(Lawrence, Cromer, Barbour, Colvin), degradation (Mon- 
roe), etc., etc. And as a consequence of such deplorable 
results, an inherent and inevitable “ danger of the most 
serious order ” (Lord B,. Churchill) to the stability of 
British supremac}’. British rule under such circumstances 
can only continue to be a foreign crushing tyranny, lead- 
ing the people to yearn (the Duke of Devonshire) to get 
rid of their European rulers, etc., etc. 

On the other Land, (Salisbury) “the existence of a 
well -governed Native State is a real benefit, not only to 
the stability of the British rule, but more than anything 
it raises the self-respect of the Natives and forms an ideal 
to which the popular feeling aspires.” And “ that a 
number of well-governed small Native States are in the 
highest degree advantageous to the development of the 
political and moral ” (I may add, the material) “ condition 
of the people of India.” Lord Iddesleigh says on the 
same lines : “ What we had to aim at was to establish a 
system of Native States which might maintain themselves 
in a satisfactory relation.” And what is of far more 
importance, he actually inaugurated the great experiment, 
by which he proposed to solve the great problem, “ which 
should at once afford a guarantee for the good government 


364 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


of the people and for the security of British rights and 
interests,” and to which I desire to draw the attention of 
the Commission. In short, the lesson of the extracts is 
that the British Indian administration as it exists at 
present is positively and seriously dangerous to the British 
supremacy, and of terrible misery to the people ; while a 
system of Native States will raise the people, and at the 
same time firmly secure the stability of the British supre- 
macy and largely conduce to the prosperity of both coun- 
tries — Britain and India. 

Now comes the great merit — which will always be 
remembered by Indians with deep gratitude — of these two 
Statesmen (Salisbury and Iddesleigh). They did not rest 
satisfied with mere declaration of fine and great sentiments 
and then sleep over them, as has been done on many an 
occasion to the misfortune of poor India. No, they then 
showed that they had the courage of their convictions and 
had confidence in the true statesmanship of their views. 
In this good work her Majesty took a warm interest and 
encouraged them to carry it out. The result was the 
memorable — and ever to be remembered with gratitude — 
despatch of 16th April, 1867, of Lord Iddesleigh, for the 
restoration of Mysore to the Native rule, notwithstanding 
thirty-six years of determined opposition of the authorities 
to that step (Pari. Ret. 239, 30/4/’67). 

And now I come to the episode to which I have referred 
above, and about which I write with great gratification 
and gratitude, of the conduct of all the authorities in both 
countries and of all the Anglo-Indian officials who had any 
share in this good work, backed as I have said already, by 
the good-hearted and influential interest and support of 
her Majesty herself. They may have made some errors 


RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND INDIA. 365 


of judgment, but there was universally perfect sincerity 
and loyalty to the trust. Among those concerned (and 
whose names it is a pleasure to me to give) were, as Secre- 
taries of State for India, Lord Iddesleigh, the Duke of 
Argyll, Lord Salisbury, Viscount Cranbrook, and the Duke 
of Devonshire (from 1867 till 1881, when the late Maharaja 
was invested with power) ; as Viceroys, Lord Lawrence, 
Lord Mayo, Lord Northbrook, Lord Lytton, and Lord 
Ripon ; and lastly, the Chief Commissioners and other 
officials of Mysore. The chief merit in the conduct of all 
concerned was this. Lord Iddesleigh laid down in his 
despatch of 16th of April, 1867 : — 

“ Without entering upon any minute examination of the terms 
of the Treaties of 1799, her Majesty’s Government recognise, in 
the policy which dictated that settlement, a desire to provide for 
the maintenance of an Indian dynasty on the throne of Mysore, 
upon terms which should at once afford a guarantee for the 
good government of the people and for the security of British 
rights and interests. Her Majesty is animated by the same 

desire, and shares the views to which I have referred 

Her Majesty desires to maintain that family on the throne in the 

person of his Highness’s adopted son It is therefore 

the intention of her Majesty that the young Prince should have 
the advantage of an education suitable to his rank and position 
and calculated to prepare him for the duties of administration.” 
[The italics are mine.] 

This being once settled, though against all previous 
opposition, and necessitating the withdrawal of Euro- 
peans from the Services, all the authorities and officials 
concerned, to their honour and praise, instead of putting 
any obstacles in the way, or trying to frustrate the above 
intentions, discharged their trust most loyally, and with 
every earnestness and care and solicitude to carry the 
work to success. The Blue-Books on Mysore from the 
despatch of 16th April, 1867, to the installation of the late 
Maharaja in 1881, is a bright chapter in the history of 


366 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


British India, both in the justice, righteousness, and 
statesmanship of the decision, and the loyalty and extreme 
care of every detail in carrying out that decision — with 
success and satisfactory results in both objects set forth 
in the despatch, viz,, “ trie good government of the people , 
and the security of British rights and interests .” 

I wish the India Office would make a return on 
Mysore relations and affairs up to date, in continuation 
of Bet. No. 1 of 1881 (c. 3026), to show how the good 
and creditable work has been continued up to the present 
time. I think I need not enter here into any details of 
this good work from 1867 to 1881 of the British officials : 
the Blue-Books tell all that. Of the work of the late 
Maharaja from 1881 till his death at the end of 1894, it 
would be enough for me to give a very brief statement 
from the last Address of the Dewan to the Represent- 
ative Assembly held at Mysore on 1st October, 1895, on 
the results of the late Maharaja’s administration during 
nearly fourteen years of his reign, as nearly as possible 
in the Dewan’s words. The Maharaja was invested with 
power on 25th March, 1881. Just previous to it, the 
State had encountered a most disastrous famine by which 
a fifth of the population had been swept away, and the 
State had run into a debt of 80 lakhs of rupees to the 
British Government. The cash balance had become re- 
duced to a figure insufficient for the ordinary requirements 
of the administration. Every source of revenue was at 
its lowest, and the severe retrenchments which followed 
had left every department of State in an enfeebled condi- 
tion. Such was the beginning. It began with liabilities 
exceeding the assets by 30f lakhs, and with an annual 
income less than the annual expenditure by 1| lakhs. 


RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND INDIA. 367 


Gomparing 1880-1 with 1894-5, the annual revenue rose 
from 103 to 180| lakhs, or 75*24 per cent., and after 
spending on a large and liberal scale on all works and 
purposes of public utility, the net assets amounted to over 
176 lakhs in 1894-5, in lieu of the net liability of 30f 
lakhs with which his Highness’s reign began in 1881. 

Rs. 

In 1881, the balance of State Funds was ... ... 24,07,438 

Capital outlay on State Railways ... ... 25,19,198 

Against a liability to the British Government of ... 80,00,000 

Leaving a balance of liability of Rs. 30f lakhs. 

'On 30th June, 1895 : 


i 


Assets — 

(1) Balance of State Funds 

(2) Investment on account of Railway 

Loan Repayment Fund ... * 

(3) Capital outlay on Mysore-Harihar 

Railway 

(4) Capital outlay on other Railways 

(5) Unexpended pertion of Capital borrowed 

for Mysore-Harihar Railway (with 
British Government) 

Liabilities — 

(1) Local Railway Loan ... Rs. 20,00,000 

(2) English Railway Loan ... „ 1,63,82,801 


1,27,23,615 

27,81,500 

1.48.03.306 
41,33,390 

15,79,495 

3.60.21.306 

1,83,82,801 


Net Assets’ 1 ... ... ... Rs. 1,76,38,505 

Add Othee Assets — 

Capital outlay on original 

Irrigation Works ... Rs. 99,08,935 

Besides the above expenditure from current revenue, 
there is the subsidy to the British Government of about 
Rs. 25,00,000 a year, or a total of about Rs. 3,70,00,000 in 
the fifteen years from 1880-1 to 1894-5, and the Maharaja’s 
civil list of about Rs. 180,00,000, during the fifteen years 
also paid from the current revenue. And all this together 


308 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


with increase in expenditure in every department. Under 
the circumstances above described, the administration 
at the start of his Highness’s reign was necessarily very 
highly centralised. The Dewan , or the Executive Admi- 
nistrative head, had the direct control, without the 
intervention of departmental heads of all the principal 
departments, such as the Land Revenue, Forests, Excise, 
Mining, Police, Education, Mujroyi, Legislative. As 
the finances improved, and as department after depart- 
ment was put into good working order and showed signs 
of expansion, separate heads of departments were appointed 
for Forests and Police in 1885, for Excise in 1889, for 
Mujroyi in 1891, and for Mining in 1894. His Highness 
was able to resolve upon the appointment of a separate 
Land Revenue Commissioner only in the latter part of 
1894. Improvements were made in other departments — - 
Local and Municipal Funds, Legislation, Education, etc. 
There are no wails which unfortunately the Finance 
Ministers of British India are obliged to raise, year after 
year, of fall in Exchange, over-burdening taxation, etc., etc. 

And all the above good results are side by side with 
an increase of population of 18’34 per cent, in the ten 
years from 1881 to 1891, and there is reason to believe 
that during the last four years the ratio of increase was 
even higher. During the fourteen years the rate of mor- 
tality is estimated to have declined 6’ 7 per mille. 

But there is still the most important and satisfactory 
feature to come, viz., that all this financial prosperity 
was secured not by resort to new taxation in any form 
or shape. In the very nature of things the present 
system of administration and management of Indian ex- 
penditure in British India cannot ever produce such 


RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND INDIA. 369 


results, even though a Gladstone undertook the work. 
Such is the result of good administration in a Native State 
at the very beginning. What splendid prospect is in store 
for the future if, as heretofore, it is allowed to develop 
itself to the level of the British system with its own 
Native Services, and not bled as poor British 
India is. 

Lord Iddesleigh is dead (though his name will never 
be forgotten in India, and how he would have rejoiced !), 
buo well may her Majesty, Lord Salisbury, and all others 
concerned in it, and the British people, be proud of this 
brilliant result of a righteous and statesmanlike act, and 
may feel secure of the sincere and solid loyalty, gratitude, 
and attachment of the rulers and people of Mysore to the 
British supremacy. 

Here, then, is the whole problem of the right and 
natural administration of expenditure, etc., and stability 
of British supremacy solved, and that most success- 
fully, by Lords Salisbury and Iddesleigh. It is now 
clear, by actual facts and operation, that the present 
system of expenditure, in all aspects of the administration 
of British India, is full of evil to the people and danger 
to British supremacy, while, on the other hand, “ a 
number of well-governed Native States, ” under the active 
control and supremacy of Britain, will be full of benefit 
and blessing both to Britain and India and a firm foun- 
dation for British supremacy. And all this prophecy of 
Lords Salisbury and Iddesleigh has been triumphantly 
fulfilled. Lord Iddesleigh set to himself the problem 
“ which should at once afford a guarantee for the good 
government of the people and for the security of British 
rights and interests, ” and most successfully solved it. 

24 


370 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


The obvious conclusion is that the only natural and 
satisfactory relations between an alien supremacy and the 
people of India can be established on this basis alone. 
There are these obvious advantages in these relations : — 

The British supremacy becomes perfectly secure and 
founded upon the gratitude and affection of the people, 
who, though under such supremacy, would feel as being 
under their own rulers and as being guided and protected 
by a mighty supreme power. 

Every State thus formed, from the very nature of its 
desire for self-preservation, will cling to the supreme 
power as its best security against disturbance by any other 
State. 

The division in a number of States becomes a natural 
and potent power for good in favour of the stability of the 
British supremacy. There will be no temptation to any one 
State to discard that supremacy, while, on the other hand, the 
supreme Government, having complete control and power over 
the whole government of each State, will leave no chance 
for any to go astray. Every instinct of self-interest and 
self-preservation, of gratitude, of high aspirations, and of 
all the best parts cf human nature, will naturally be on the 
side and in favour of British supremacy which gave birth 
to these States. There will be an emulation among them to 
vie with each other in governing in the best way possible, 
under the eye and control of the supreme Government on 
their actions, leaving no chance for misgovernment. Each 
will desire to produce the best Administration Report every 
year. In short, this natural system has all the elements of 
consolidation of British power, of loyalty, and stability, and 
of prosperity of both countries. On the other hand, under 
the present system, all human nature and instincts are 


RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND INDIA. 37 1 


against you, and must inevitably end in disintegration, re- 
bellion, and disaster. No grapes from thistles ! Evil will 
have its nemesis. 1 hope and pray that this Commission 
will rise to the height of its mission, and accomplish it to 
the glory of this country and the prosperity of both. 

I must not be misunderstood. When I use the words 
“ Native States,” I do not for a moment mean that these 
new States are to revert to the old system of government 
of Native rule. Not at all. The system of all departments 
that exists at present, the whole mode of government, must 
not only remain as it is, but must go on improving till it 
reaches as nearly as possible the level of the more complete 
mode of British government that exists in this country. 
The change to be made is, that these States are to be gov- 
erned by Native agency, on the same lines as at present, by 
employing, as the Duke of Devonshire says, “ the best and 
most intelligent of the Natives,” or as Lord Iddesleigh 
says, “all that was great and good in them.” 

One question naturally presents itself. Are new 
dynastic Indian rajahs to be created for these new States ? 
That is a question that men like Lord Salisbury himself 
and the Indian authorities are best able to answer. There 
may be difficulties in dynastic succession. If so, the best 
mode of the headship under some suitable title of these 
States may be by appointment by Government, and aided 
by a representative Council. This mode has certain evident 
advantages, viz., questions of dynastic succession may be 
avoided, Government will be free to secure the best man 
for the post, and Government will then have complete con- 
trol over the States, especially with an English Resident, 
as in all Native States at present. If thought necessary, 
this control may be made still more close by having at the 


372 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


beginning for some time an English joint- Administrator 
instead of a Resident. 

Sir Charles Dilke has, in one of his letters to me, said : — 

“I also agree as to reduction of Europeans (so far as the non- 
military people go). Indeed, I agree without limit, and would sub- 
stitute for our direct rule a military protectorate of Native States, 
as I have often said.” 

In another letter to me, which is published in the Sep- 
tember number of India , in 1893, Sir Charles dwells upon 
the same subject at some length, proposing to follow up 
the' case of Mysore and to divide India into a number of 
Native States. 

With regard to the financial relations between Britain 
and India, whether for military or civil charges, I have 
already expressed my views in my last representation. I 
would not, therefore, make any further remarks here. 

Once this natural and righteous system of government 
by Native States is adopted, so as to make the administra- 
tion of expenditure fully productive of good results to both 
countries, I may with every confidence hope that the author- 
ities, as in the case of Mysore, will loyally and scrupulous- 
ly do their best to carry out the plan to success by esta- 
blishing in India every necessary machinery for preparation, 
examinations, and tests of character and fitness of the 
Indians “ to (as Lord Iddesleigh says) develop the system 
of Native government, to bring out Native talent and 
statesmanship, and to enlist in the cause of government all 
that was great and good in them.” 

The prevention and cure of the evils of the present 
material and moral bleeding, arising from the existing sys- 
tem of the administration and management of expenditure, 
from unjust financial relations between the two countries, 
and for the redemption of the honour of this country from 
the dishonour of the violation of the most solemn and 


RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND INDIA. 


373 


binding pledges, are absolutely necessary, if India is to be 
well governed, if British supremacy is to be made thorough- 
ly stable, and if both countries are to be made prosperous 
by a market for trade of nearly 300,000,000 of civilised 
and prosperous people. 

I do not here consider any other plan of Government 
to secure effectively the double object laid down by Lord 
Iddesleigh, because I think the plan proposed and carried 
out by him is the most natural and the best, and most 
secure for the continuance of British supremacy, 

I also do not enter into any details, as all possible 
difficulties of details, and the means by which they were 
overcome, are all recorded in the Mysore Blue-Books. 

I submit to the Commission that unless the patriotism 
and prosperity of the people of India are drawn to the 
side of British supremacy, no plan or mode of govern- 
ment, under the existing system of expenditure, will be of 
any good either to British supremacy or to the Indian 
people. Evil and peril to both is the only dismal outlook. 
On the other hand, a number of Native States, according 
to the noble views and successful work of Lords Salisbury 
and Iddesleigh, will contribute vastly both to the gain 
and glory of the British people, to vast expansion of 
trade, and to the prosperity and affection of the Indian 
hundreds of millions of the human race. 

If India is thus strengthened in prosperity, and 
patriotically satisfied in British supremacy, I cannot feel 
the least fear of Russia ever dreaming of invading India. 
Without any military help from England, and without 
any large European army, India will be all sufficient in 
itself to repel any invasion, and to maintain British supre- 
macy for her own and Britain’s sake. 


S74 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


I hope earnestly that this Commission will, as Sir 
Louis Mallet has urged, grapple with the disease of the 
evil results of the present system of expenditure, instead 
of, like other past Commissions and Committees, keeping 
to th6 habit of merely palliating symptoms. J do not 
much intervene in examining details of departmental 
expenditure, such examination at proper intervals, as used 
to be the case in the time of the Company, serves the 
important purpose of keeping the Government up to mark 
in care of expenditure. But unless the whole Government 
is put on a natural basis, all examinations of details of 
departmental expenditures will be only so much “ palliat- 
ing with symptoms,” and will bring no permanent good 
and strength either to the Indian people or to the British 
supremacy. 

I offer to be cross-examined on all my representa- 
tions. 

As before, I shall send a copy of this to every member 
of the Commission. 

Yours truly, 

Dadabhai Naoroji. 


V. 

THE CAUSES OF DISCONTENT.* 

— — — 

Dear Lord Welby, — I request you kindly to put 
before the Commission this, my sixth, representation on 
the subjects of our enquiry. 

Nobody can more appreciate the benefits of the 
British connexion than I do — Education in particular, 
appreciation of, and desire for, British political institu- 
tions, law and order, freedom of speech and public meet- 
ing, and several important social reforms. All these are 
the glory of England and gratitude of India. I am 
most sincerely read } 7 to accord my gratitude for any 
benefit which Britain can rightly claim. 

But, while looking at one side, justice demands that 
we look at the other side also. And the main object of 
this Commission is to see the other side of the system of 
the administration and management of expenditure and 
right apportionment. 

It must be remembered that while education and 
law and order have been beneficial to the Indians 
of British India they were also most essential to the 
very existence of the British in India. Only that while 
the benefits have been to both Britain and British India, 
the cost has been all exacted from the Indians. 

The British Empire in India is built up entirely 
with the money of India, and, in great measure, by the 
blood of India. Besides this, hundreds of millions, or, 
more probably, several thousands of millions (besides what 

* Submitted to the Welby Commission, 31st January 1897. 


376 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


is consumed in India itself by Europeans and their 
careers of life) of money, which British has unceasingly, 
and ever increasingly, drawn from British Indians, and 
is still drawing, has materially helped to make Britain 
the greatest, the richest, and most glorious country 
in the world — benefiting her material condition so 
much that, even when there is a general and loud cry of 
depression in agriculture, etc., the Chancellor of the Ex- 
chequer is rejoicing that his income tax is marvellously 
increasing ; while British India in its turn is reduced to 
“ extreme poverty ” and helotry. 

Will the India Office be good enough to give us a 
Return of the enormous wealth which Britain has drav/n 
out of India during the past century and a half, calculated 
with ordinary British commercial 5 per cent, compound 
interest, leave alone the 9 per cent, ordinary commercial 
rate of interest of British India ? What a tale will that 
Return tell ! The India Office must have all the records of 
the India House as well as its own. 

I give a few figures that are available to me. The 
best test of this drain from British India is (1) that portion 
of produce exported out of British India for which nothing 
whatever has returned to her in any shape, either of 
merchandise or treasure ; (2) the profits of her whole 
exports which she never got ; (3) that portion of the ex- 
ports which belongs to the Native States, and which the 
Native States get back, with their due profits, are included 
in the total imports, and are therefore not included in the 
“ net exports.” For No. (1)1 have the following authori- 
tative figures for only 45 years (1849-50 to 1894-5, 
“Statistical Abstract of British India,” No, 30, 1895, 
p. 299). Will the India Office supply previous figures ? 


THE CAUSES OF DISCONTENT. 


377 


This table shows that British India sent out, or 
exported, of her produce to the extent of <£526,740,000, 
for which she has not received back a single farthing’s 
worth of any kind of material return. Besides this loss or 
drain of actual produce, there is (No. 2) the further drain 
of the profits on an* export of .£2,851,000,000, which, 
taken at only 10 per cent., will be another <£285,000,000 — - 
which British India has not received — subject to the 
deduction of portion of (No. 3), viz., the profits of the 
Native States. To this has to be added the profits which 
Indian foreigners (i. e., the capitalists of Native States) 
make in British India, and carry away to their own States^ 
Freight and marine insurance premiums have to be taken 
into account, for whether for exports from, or imports 
into, India, these items are always paid in England. It is 
necessary to know how these two items are dealt with in 
the Returns of the so-called trade of British India. In 
ordinary circumstances, one may not complain if a 
foreigner came and made his profits on a fair and equal 
footing with the people of British India. But British 
India is not allowed such fair and equal footing. 

First, the unrighteous and despotic system of Govern- 
ment prevents British India from enjoying its own pro- 
duce or resources, and renders it capital-less and help- 
less. Then, foreign capitalists come in and complete the 
disaster, sinking the people to the condition of their 
hewers of wood and drawers of water. The enormous 
resources of India are all at the disposal and command 
of these foreigners. 

In understanding correctly the tables to which I 
refer, it must be borne in mind that all the loans made to 
India form a part of the imports, and are already paid for 


378 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


and included in that portion of the exports which is equal 
to the total imports, the “ net exports ” in the table being r 
after allowing for all imports, including loans. Other- 
wise, if these loans were deducted from the imports, the 
“ net exports ” will be so much larger. The position of 
the exploitation by the foreign capitalists is still worse 
than I have already represented. Not only do they exploit 
and make profits with their own capital, but they draw 
even their capital from the taxation of the poor people 
themselves. The following words of Sir James Westland 
in the telegram of the Times of 18 th December last will 
explain what I mean. 

“ Sir J. Westland then explained how closely connected the 
Money Market of India was with the Government balances, almost 
all the available capital employed in commerce practically being 

in those balances A crore and a half which under normal 

conditions would have been at headquarters in Calcutta and 
Bombay and been placed at the disposal of the mercantile commun- 
ity for trading purposes.” 

The Bank of Bengal and Chamber of Commerce 
“ pressed the Government to take up the question of the 
paper currency reserve a§ urgently as possible, and pass a 
Bill without delay to afford relief to commerce.” So, the 
European merchants, bankers, etc., may have Indian taxes 
at their disposal, the profits of which they may take away 
to their own country ! The poor wretched taxpayers must 
not only find money for an unrighteous system of Govern- 
ment expenditure but must also supply capital to exploit 
their own resources. 

The reference to this Commission is to enquire into 
expenditure and apportionment. I am fully convinced, 
and my representations fully prove it, that if the system 
of the administration and management of expenditure 
and the apportionment were based on principles of 


THE CAUSES OF DISCONTENT. 


379 


righteousness, honesty, honour, and unselfishness, the 
political peculiarities of India are such as would produce 
an abiding attachment and connexion between the two 
countries, which will not merely be of much benefit to 
British India but of vastly more benefit to the British 
themselves than at present. Hence, my extreme desire 
that the connexion should continue and I can say truly 
that, in a spirit of loyalty both to India and to the 
British Empire, I have devoted my life to strengthening 
this connexion. I feel it therefore my duty (though a 
painful one) to point out candidly the causes which, in 
my opinion, have weakened, and are weakening more 
and more, this connexion, and, unless checked, threaten 
to destroy it. 

I. The un-English, autocratic and despotic system 
of administration, under which the Indian people are not 
given the slightest voice in the management of their own 
expenditure. It is not creditable to the British character 
that they should refuse to a loyal and law-abiding people 
that voice in their own affairs which they value so much 
for themselves. 

II. The unrighteous “ bleeding ” of India, under 
which the masses have been reduced to such “ extreme 
poverty ” that the failure of one harvest causes millions 
upon millions to die from hunger, and scores of millions 
are living on “ scanty subsistence.” What Oriental des- 
potism or Russian despotism in Russia can produce a 
more deplorable result ? 

III. The breach or evasion by subterfuges of 
solemn pledges and proclamations, issued by her Majesty 
and the British nation, and the flouting of such Acts and 
Resolutions of Parliament as are favourable to Indians. 


380 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


Such proceedings destroy the confidence of the Indian 
people in the justice of British rule. To sum up, these and 
other errors in administration have had the effect of inflict- 
ing upon India the triple evil of depriving the people of 
Wealth, Work, and Wisdom, and making the British Indians, 
as the ultimate result, “ extremely poor,” unemployed (their 
services which are their property in their own country, being 
plundered from them) and degradingly deteriorated and 
debased, crushing out of them their very humanhood. 

Before I proceed further, let me clear up a strange 
confusion of ideas about prosperous British India and 
poverty-stricken British India. This confusion of ideas 
arises from this circumstance. My remarks are for British 
India only. 

In reality there are two Indias — one the prosperous, 
the other poverty-stricken. 

(1) The prosperous India is the India of the British 
and other foreigners. They exploit India as officials, non- 
officials, capitalists, in a variety of ways, and carry away 
enormous wealth to their own country. To them India is, 
of course, rich and prosperous. The more they can carry 
away, the richer and more prosperous India is to them. 
These British and other foreigners cannot understand 
and realise why India can be called “ extremely poor,” 
when they can make their life careers ; they can draw so 
much wealth from it and enrich their own country. It 
seldom occurs to them, if at all, what all that means to 
the Indians themselves. 

(2) The second India is the India of the Indians — 
the poverty-stricken India. This India, “ bled ” and 
exploited in every way of their wealth, of their services, 
of their land, labour, and all resources by the foreigners, 


THE CAUSES OF DISCONTENT. 


381 


helpless and voiceless, governed by the arbitrary law and 
arguments of force, and with injustice and unrighteousness 
— this India of the Indians becomes the “ poorest ” coun- 
try in the world, after one hundred and fifty years of 
British rule, to the disgrace of the British name. The 
greater the drain the greater the impoverishment, resulting 
in all the scourges of war, famine and pestilence. Lord 
Salisbury’s words face us at every turn, 44 Injustice will 
bring down the mightiest to ruin.” If this distinction of 
the 44 prosperous India ” of the slave-holders and the 
44 poverty-stricken India ” of the slaves be carefully borne 
in mind, a great deal of the controversy on this point 
will be saved. Britain can, by a righteous system, make 
both Indias prosperous. The great pity is that the Indian 
authorities do not or would not see it. They are blinded 
by selfishness— to find careers for 44 our boys.” 

To any appeals the ears of the British Indian authori- 
ties are deaf. The only thing that an Indian can do is to 
appeal to the British people. I must explain. I have no 
complaint against the British people. The Sovereign, the 
British people, and Parliament have all in one direction done 
their duty by laying down the true and righteous principles 
of dealing with India. But their desires and biddings are 
made futile by their servants, the Indian authorities, in both 
countries. For these reasons my only resource is to appeal 
to the British people and to this Commission to cause the 
order of her Majesty and of Parliament to be carried out. 

It is not needful for me to repeat my views, which I 
have given in my five previous representations, which have 
been in the hands of the Commission from nine to fifteen 
months, and in which I have dealt with both the injustice 
and the evils, and the remedy of the present system of 


'382 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


expenditure and apportionment, and it remains for the 
Commission to cross-examine me on all the six represen- 
tations. 

I would add here a few more remarks arising from 
some of the evidence and other circumstances. 

Indians are repeatedly told, and in this Com- 
mission several times, that Indians are partners in the 
British Empire and must share the burdens of the Empire. 
Then I propose a simple test. For instance, supposing that 
the expenditure of the total Navy of the Empire is, say, 
<£20,000,000, and as partners in the Empire you ask 
British India to pay <£1 0,000,000, more or less ; British 
India, as partner, would be ready to pay, and therefore, as 
partner, must have her share in the employment of British 
Indians, and in every other benefit of the service to the 
extent of her contribution. Take the Army. Suppose the 
expenditure of the total Army of the Empire is, say, 
£40,000,000. Now, you may ask <£20,000,000, or more or 
less, to be contributed by British India. Then, as partners, 
India must claim, and must have, every employment and 
benefit of that service to the extent of her contribution. 
If, on the other hand, you force the helpless and voiceless 
British India to pay, but not to receive, a return to the 
extent of the payment, then your treatment is the un- 
righteous wicked treatment of the slave-master over British 
India as a slave. In short, if British India is to be treated 
as a partner in the Empire, it must follow that to what- 
ever extent (be it a farthing or a hundred millions) 
British India contributes to the expenses of any depart- 
ment, to that extent the British Indians must have a share 
in the services and benefits of that department — whether 
civil, military, naval or any other ; then only will British 


THE CAUSES OF DISCONTENT. 


383 


India be the integral part ” of, or partner in, the Empire. 
If there be honour and righteousness on the side of the 
British, then this is the right solution of the rights and 
duties of British India and of both the references to this 
'Commission. Then will the Empire become a true Empire 
with an honest partnership, and not a false Empire and an 
untrue partnership. This is the main, principal question 
the Commission has to clear up. This will fully show the 
true nature and solution of both the expenditure and 
apportionment. I appeal to the British people. When I 
have been personally observing, during forty years, how 
the British people are always on the side of the helpless 
and the oppressed ; how, at present, they are exerting 
every nerve, and lavishing money, to save the thousands 
of Armenians, then I cannot believe that the same people 
will refuse to see into the system of expenditure adopted 
by their own servants, by which not merely some thousands 
or hundred thousands suffer, but by which millions of their 
own fellow-subjects perish in a drought, and scores of 
millions live underfed, on scanty subsistence, from one end 
of the year to the other. The so-called Famine Relief 
Fund is nothing more or less than a mere substerfuge of 
taxing the starving to save the dying. This fund does not 
rain from heaven, nor does the British Exchequer give it. 
If the Government spend, say <£5,000,000, on the present 
famine they will simply squeeze it out of the poverty- 
stricken surviving taxpayers, who would in turn become 
the victims of the next drought. 

The British people stand charged with the blood of 
the perishing millions and the starvation of scores of 
millions, not because they desire so, but because the 
authorities to whom they have committed the trust betrky 


3 84 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


that trust and administer expenditure in a manner based 
upon selfishness and political hypocrisy, and most disas- 
trous to the people. There is an Indian saying : u Pray 
strike on the back, but don’t strike on the belly.” 

Under the Native despot the people keep and enjoy 
what they produce, though at times they suffer some vio- 
lence on the back. Under the British Indian despot the 
man is at peace, there is no violence ; his substance is 
drained away, unseen, peaceably and subtly — he starves in 
peace and perishes in peace, with law and order ! I wonder 
how the English people would like such a fate ! I say r 
therefore, to the British people, by all means help the poor 
Armenians, but I appeal to you to look home also,, 
and save the hundreds of millions of your own 
fellow-subjects, from whom you have taken thousands 
of millions of wealth, and obtained also your Indian 
Empire, entirely at their cost and mainly with their 
blood, with great careers for thousands of yourselves at our 
cost and destruction. 

The great question is not merely how to meet a famine 
when it occurs — by taxing the poor people — but how to 
prevent the occurrence of the famine. As long as the 
present unrighteous system will prevail there will be no 
end of the scourges of India. We are thankful for the 
benefit of the knowledge of “ Western civilisation.” But 
what we need is the deeds of Western righteousness and 
honour to stop the famine and to advance the prosperity of 
both countries. With relation to the present famine I 
have to make one or two remarks. 

For the famine of 1878, the British help amounted to 
the magnificent sum of about, I think, ,£700,000. On the 
other hand, the British public have to remember that they 


THE CAUSES OF DISCONTENT. 


385 


have been drawing, by the unrighteous system of the 
authorities, every year 30 to 40, or more times, <£700,000 
from poor India ; or say from the time of the last famine 
they have drawn from India, and added to their own 
wealth, some £400,000,000 or more (leaving alone what 
they have been draining for a century and a half), and if 
they now give even £4,000,000 or £5,000,000 in the pre- 
sent distress, it will be but 1 or 2 per cent, of what they 
have obtained from India during the last eighteen years. 
It is a duty of the British people to give in abundance 
from the great, great abundance they have received. As 
far as the poor people of India are concerned, they will 
receive whatever you would give with deep gratitude in 
their dire extremity. 

The second fact is, what the British people will readily 
and early give will have a double blessing. They will, in 
the first instance, save so many lives, and in the next place 
save the poor survivors from so much taxation, which 
otherwise the Government would exact every farthing of, 
for whatever Government would spend from the revenue. 
The novel, loud and vain boast of the Government of India 
having resources to meet the famine simply means this, 
that every farthing of the whole famine expenditure (bad 
or good) by the Government, will be, by their despotic 
power, squeezed out of the wretched people themselves by 
taxation in which they have not the slightest voice. Never 
was there a false trumpet blown than the boast of the 
Government to be able to cope with the famine “ with its 
own resources.” Of course, the resources of despotism are 
inexhaustible, for, who can prevent it from taxing as much 
as it likes ? It is a wonder to me that they do not feel 
ashamed of talking of “ their own resources,” when it all 
25 


386 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


means so much more squeezing of a squeezed and helpless 
people. And especially when they not only, Shylock-like, 
tyke the whole pound of their large salaries, but also the 
ounce or blood of their illegal and immoral exchange com- 
pensation ! 

Amongst the most favourite excuses of the Anglo- 
Indians is, that the extreme poverty of the people and the 
disasters of famines are owing to increase of population. I 
have dealt with this subject in ray third representation, 
and 1 want to say a few words more. The point to which 
I want to draw attention here is, that Anglo-Indians, offi- 
cial or non -official of every kind, are not at all competent 
to pronounce any judgment upon the causes of poverty and 
disasters of famines. For, they themselves are the accused, 
as the cause of all the evils, and they cannot be judges to 
try themselves. Their own deep interest is concerned in 
it. Let them withdraw their hand from India’s throat, 
and then see whether the increase in population is not an 
addition to its strength and production instead of British- 
made famines and poverty. Then it will also be seen that 
the hundreds of millions cf British India, instead of being 
afflicted with all sorts of evils, will become your best cus- 
tomers and give you a true trade — more than your pre- 
sent trade with the whole world. 

I now refer to a strange sign of the times. By an 
irony of fate, and as an indication of the future, and after 
150 years of British connexion and rule, Russia — to whom 
the Anglo-Indians always point as a threat — offers gene- 
rous sympathy and aid to starving and dying British sub- 
jects. I do not pretend to know Russia’s mind, but any 
one can see what the effect of this, aided by the emissaries , 
might be on India. “See how kind and generous the 


THE CAUSES OF DISCONTENT. 


387 


Russians are, and give us help.’' It will be further point- 
ed out, “ See, not only are the Russians sympathetic with 
you, but their great Emperor himself has published in his 
book, words of condemnation of the rule which sucks 
away your life-blood.” The Times of 10th December 
last, in its leader on the Russo- Chinese Treaty says : — 
“ Russia, we may be sure, will pursue her own policy 
and promote her own interests.” “ Russia is bent 
upon developing her vast Asiatic Empire.” But the 
blind Indian authorities would not see that England 
would not have any chance to hold her own in India 
without the true (not lip-loyal) attachment of the Indian 
people. Is it possible for any sane man to think that any 
one nation can hold another in slavery and yet expect 
loyal devotion and attachment from it ? It is not nature, 
not human nature. It has never happened and will never 
happen. Righteousness alone can exalt and be enduring. 
Events are moving fast. The time is come when the 
question must be speedily answered, whether India is to 
be a real partner and strength to England, or a slave and 
a weakness to England — as it has hitherto been. How 
much of the future destiny of the British Empire and 
India depends upon this, a man of an unbiassed mind can 
think for himself. India forms five-sixths of the popula- 
tion of the British Empire. 

I put one question, which I have often put, and which 
is always ignored or evaded. Suppose the British people 
were subjected to the same despotic treatment of expendi- 
ture by some foreign people, as India is by the British 
Indian authorities, would the British people stand it, a 
single day without rebelling against it? No, certainly 
not ; and yet, can the British people think it righteous 


388 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


and just to treat the Indians as the Indian authorities 
do — as mere helpless and voiceless slaves. Macaulay has 
truly said that : 

“that would indeed be a doting wisdom which, in order that 
India might remain a dependency, would make it a useless and 
costly dependency, which would keep a hundred millions (now 
225,000,000) from being our customers in order that they might 
continue to be our slaves.” 

The question of remedy I have already dealt with in 
my fifth representation, and I would not have said more 
here. But as the Times of 8th December last, in its 
article on “ Indian Affairs,” confirms, by actual facts and 
events, the wisdom and statesmanship of Lords Salisbury 
and iddesleigh in their one great work of righteous and 
wise policy, I desire to quote a few w 7 ords. Fortunately, 
it is the very Mysore State to which this righteous and 
wise act was done. The Times says: — 

“ The account which Sir Sheshadri Iyer rendered to it of his 
last year’s stewardship is one of increasing revenue, reduced taxa- 
tion, expenditure firmly kept in hand, reproductive public works, 
and a large expansion of cultivation, of mining and of industrial 
undertakings. The result is a surplus which goes to swell the 
previous accumulation from the same source.” 

Can the present system of British administration and 
management of the expenditure ever produce such results ? 
Never. A dozen Gladstones will not succeed. 

Continuous and increasing “bleeding” can only 
reduce strength and kill. The Times’ article concludes 
with the words : — 

“ A narrative such as Sir Sheshadri Iyer was able to give to 
the Representative Assembly of Mysore makes us realise the 
growth of capital in the Native States, and opens up new pros- 
pects of industrial undertakings and railway construction in 
India on a silver basis.” 

Can this be said of British India ? No. I shall quote 
one other extract. 


THE CAUSES OF DISCONTENT. 


389 


04 One of the Bombay Chiefs, after some experience of 
railway-making in his own and adjoining territories, struck out 
a new departure at the beginning of the present year. He con- 
ceived the idea of public loans to be issued for railway construc- 
tion by one Feudatory Prince to another on the guarantee of the 
revenues of the borrowing State. The first transaction in wl)ich 
this principle is completely carried out was a loan of two million 
rupees by H. H. Sir Bhagvat Sinhji, the ruler of Gondal, to H.H. 
Jasvant Sinhji, the ruler of Jamnagar, on the 8th of January, 
1806 .” 

Now, anybody who knows Jamnagar, knows that 
with ordinary good management it will not be long before 
that State is in a position to pay off its debts, just as the 
good management of Mysore was able to do, and the good 
management of Gondal has enabled its ruler to lend such 
an amount. This loan by Gondal, it must be remembered, 
is in addition to building its own railway in its own 
territory from its own revenue, without any loan, or help, 
or additional taxation. 

No one can rejoice more than myself that Native 
States which adopt ordinary good management go on 
increasing in prosperity in strong contrast with the system 
of the British management of expenditure. This is 
fully confirmatory of the words of Lords Salisbury and 
Iddesleigh as to what should be done for British India’s 
prosperity. I have quoted these words in my fifth repre- 
sentation. And some of them are worth quoting here 

once more. Lord Salisbury said : — 

44 The general concurrence of opinion of those who know 
India best is that a number of well-governed small Native States 
are in the highest degree advantageous to the development of the 

political and moral condition of the people of India But 

I think the existence of a well-go verm d Native State is a real 
benefit, not only to the stability of our rule, but because more than 
anything it raises the self-respect of the Natives, and forms an 
ideal to which the popular feelings aspire.” 

Referring to the several phases of the British rule, he 
sums up that they produce an amount of inefficiency 


390 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


which, when reinforced by natural causes and circumstances, 
creates a terrible amount of misery. It might also be 
noted that the richest provinces and most important 
seaports are now British. So the people of British India 
should be much more prosperous than those living in the 
inferior districts left to Native Chiefs. Yet in British 
India is the “ terrible amount of misery,” after a rule of 
150 years by the most highly-trumpeted and most highly 
paid services. Lord Id desleigh not only agreed with the 
best course indicated by Lord Salisbury, but actually put it 
fully into operation with the confidence that the course he 
took would “ at once afford a guarantee for the good 
government of the people, and for the security of British 
rights and interests.” And after an experience of fifteen 
years, the writer in the Times is able to express such 
highly favourable opinion as I have quoted above. 

Another favourite argument of some Anglo-Indians 
is the want of capacity of the Indians. In the evidence 
last year this was referred to once or twice. There is a 
paper of mine in the Journals of the East India Associa- 
tion on that subject, but I do not want to trouble the 
Commission with it. It is the old trick of the tyrant not 
to give you the opportunity of fair trial/ and to condemn 
you off-hand as incapable. The Indians are put to the 
iniquitous handicap to come over to this country for the 
civil services in their own country, and from the Army 

and Navy they are entirely excluded from the commis- 
sioned ranks ; and all this in complete violation of the 
most sacred pledges and Acts of Parliament. I will not, 
however, trouble the Commission with any further remarks 
on this all-important subject. It is enough for me to put 
before the Commission the article in the Times of 5t h 


THE CAUSES OF DISCONTENT. 


391 


October last on Indian affairs as the latest honest expres- 
sion of a well-known Anglo-Indian, as there have been 
many already from time to time from other Anglo-Indians. 
I put this article as an appendix. 

In question 13,353, Lord Wolseley said “ there never 
was an India until we made it”; and in question 12,796, 
Sir Ralph Knox says, “ My own view is that England has 
made India what she is.” i acknowledge the correctness 
of these statements, viz., an India to be exploited by 
foreigners, and the most wretched, the poorest, the helpless, 
without the slightest voice in her own expenditure, perish- 
ing by millions in a drought, and starving by scores 
of millions ; in short, “ bleeding ” at every pore and a 
helotry for England. It is not England of the English 
people who have made India what she is. It is the British 
Indian authorities who have made her what she is. 

And now I shall give some account of the process by 
which this deplorable result was begun to be achieved. I 
give the character of the process in authoritative words — 
words of the Court of Directors, the Bengal Government, 
and Lord Clive — disinterred and exposed by the Committee 
of 1772. 

First, I shall give a few words of the Court of 
Directors : — 

“A scene of most cruel oppression” (8/2/1764). “That they 
have been guilty of violating treaties, of great oppression and a 
combination to enrich themselves ” (Court of Directors’ Letter, 
26/4/1765). “ The infidelity, rapaciousness, and misbehaviour of 

our servants in general.” “ Every Englishman throughout the 
country .... exercising his power to the oppression of the help- 
less Native.” “ We have the strongest sense of the deplorable 
state .... from the corruption and rapacity of our servants, 
and the universal depravity of manners throughout the settle- 
ment,” “ by a scene of the most tyrannic and oppressive conduct 
that ever was known in any age or country” (17/5/1766). 


392 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


Now, a few words of Lord Clive and Bengal letters : — 

“ Rapacity and luxury.” “ It is no wonder that the lust of 
riches should readily embrace the proffered means of its gratifica- 
tion, or that the instruments of your power should avail themselves 
of their authority, and proceed even to extortion in those cases 
where simple corruption could not keep pace with their rapacity.” 
“ Luxury, corruption, avarice, and rapacity ” “ to stem that torrent 
of luxury, corruption and licentiousness,” “ the depravity of the 
Settlement,” “ shameful oppression and flagrant corruption,” 
“grievous exactions and oppressions.” “The most flagrant 
oppressions by members of the Board.” “ An administration so 
notoriously corrupt and meanly venal throughout every depart- 
ment,” “ which, if enquired into, will produce discoveries, which 
cannot bear the light .... but may bring disgrace upon this 
nation, and at the same time, blast the reputation of great and 
good families.” 

Such were the first relations between England and 
India, and the manner in which India was being made 
what she is. 

Change came — corruption and oppression were replaced 
by high salaries. It is so easy and agreeable to give one’s 
own countrymen high salaries at other people’s expense — 
the drain remains going on heavier and heavier. What 
the drain in the last century was generally estimated at 
— something like three or five millions a year — has now 
become, perhaps, ten times as much. Would the India 
Office be good enough to give a correct statement ? 

Adding insult to injury, the Indians have often 
flaunted in their face the loans made to them, which are 
perhaps not one-twentieth of what is taken away from 
the wretched country, and which further drains the 
country in the shape of profits and interest. And the 
capitalists also are supposed to benefit us by using us as 
hewers of wood and drawers of water, and taking away 
from the country the profits of the resources of that 
country, and thus we lose our own wealth, services, and 
experience, helplessly ] and yet we are told by some we 


THE CAUSES OF DISCONTENT. 


393 


are getting immensely prosperous. May the British 
people never meet our fate ! 

After 1 had finished the above I attended the meet- 
ing at the Mansion House. I do not in any way blame 
the speakers ; but what a humiliating confession it was 
about the treatment of India by England. The only 
wonder is that those who made this confession did not 
seem to be conscious of its humiliation and unrighteous- 
ness. On the contrary, they took it with a complacency 
as if it was a merit of the Indian authorities. But 
Nature spoke the truth of the great wrong through them. 
Here is a people, who if they pride themselves — and 
justly pride — upon anything, it is their love of liberty, 
their determination to submit to no despotic master, 
who beheaded one king and banished another to preserve 
and maintain their government, with the voice of the 
people themselves, who sing that Britain shall never be 
a slave, whose fundamental boast is that they regard 
taxation without representation is tyranny,” and that 
they would resist any such tyranny to a man. These 
people, it is confessed from a platform in the very centre 
of the struggle for liberty, proclaimed with a naivete 
and unctuousness that they deliberately in India de- 
prived the hundreds of millions of people of this very 
right of bumanhood for which they are so proud for them- 
selves, that they reduced the people of India from human- 
hood to beasts of burden, depriving them of every voice 
whatsoever in their own affairs, and that they deliber- 
ately chose to govern them as the worst despots — the 
foreign despots for whom Macaulay has said that “ the 
heaviest of all yokes is the yoke of the stranger.” And 
it is this yoke of the worst despotism they imposed upon 


394 DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 

India, with all its most horrible evils of exploitation and 
all the scourges of this world. A Briton would not be 
a slave, but he would make hundreds of millions of 
others his slaves ! — the greatest crime that any one 
nation can commit against another. And yet these Anglo- 
Indians are so callous to their own British instincts and 
character, that they proclaimed from the platform, with 
every complacency, that they had deliberately committed 
the unhumanising wrong, without feeling the least blush of 
shame, and to the disgrace and humiliation of their own na- 
tion f the British people, though the British people never 
desired such un-English unrighteousness towards the people 
of India ; on the contrary, they always desired and proclaim- 
ed, by the most solemn pledges and Acts of Parliament, 
that the Indians shall be British citizens, with all the rights 
and duties of British citizenship, exactly like those which 
the British people themselves enjoy. Never was there a 
more condemnatory confession than in those speeches, that 
with the results of the terrible famine and plague they 
were bringing out more and more the bitter fruits of their 
unrighteous system in the administration of expenditure 
in the deaths of millions by famine and in the starvation 
of scores of millions. 

The other day an Anglo-Indian military officer, talking 
about the immigration of the persecuted Jews in this count- 
ry, held forth with the greatest indignation why these 
wretched Jews should come to this country and deprive 
our poor workingmen of their bread. Little did he think 
at the time that he himself was an immigrant forced upon 
the Indian people by a despotic rule, and was depriving 
them, not of the bread of one person, but perhaps of 
hundreds, or thousands, of the poor workingmen of India. 


THE CAUSES OF DISCONTENT. 


395 


I felt thankful from the bottom of my heart to the 
Lord Mayor for that meeting. It brought out two things 
— a satisfactory assurance to the Indian people that the 
British people are feeling for their distress, and are 
willing to help ; and a lesson to the British people which 
they ought to take to heart, and for which they 
should do their duty, that their servants have deliber- 
ately adopted an un-English and unrighteous course, and 
deprived hundreds of millions of human beings of the 
very thing which the British people value most above all 
things in the world — their own voice in their own affairs ; 
their highest glory above all other nationalities in the 
world. They call us fellow-citizens, and they must make 
their word a reality, instead of what it is at present, an 
untruth and a romance — simply a relationship of slave- 
holder and slave. 

I shall sum up my six representations by reading 
before the Commission a brief note of my propositions at the 
commencement of my examination, leaving the Commission 
to cross-examine me afterwards. I shall also lay before 
the Commission certain other papers bearing upon our 
enquiry. 

Yours truly, 

Dadabhai Naoroji. 


VI. 


ADMISSION OF NATIVES TO THE 
COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE* 

Dear Lord Welby, — I now give my statement on 
the Admission of Natives to the Covenanted Civil Service in 
India, as promised by me at the meeting of the Commis- 
sion on 21st July last, and request you to place it before 
the Commission. I shall send a copy to the members. 

If required, I shall give any further statement I can 
on any particular point that may require to be more 
elucidated. I shall be willing to be cross-examined if 
required. 

The first deliberate and practical action was taken 
by Parliament in the year 1833. 

All aspects of the whole question of all services were 
then fully discussed by eminent men ; and a Committee 
of the House made searching enquiry into the whole 
subject. 

I give below extracts from what was said on that 
occasion, and a definite conclusion was adopted. 

I am obliged to give some nf the extracts at length, 
because it must be clearly seen on what statesmanlike and 
far-seeing grounds this conclusion was arrived at. 

The italics all through are mine, except when I say 
that they are in the original. 


* Submitted to the Welby Commission, November 3rd, 1897. 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


397 


East India Company’s Charter, 
Hansard , Yol. XIX, Third Series, p. 169. 
July 5th, 1833. 

The Marquis of Lansdowne 
“ But he should be taking a very narrow view of this ques- 
tion, and one utterly inadequate to the great importance of the 
subject, which involved in it the happiness or misery of 100,000,000 
of human beings, were he not to call the attention of their 
lordships “ to the bearing which this question and to the influence 
which this arrangement must exercise upon the future destinies of 
that vast mass of people.” He was sure that their lordships would 
feel, as he indeed felt, that their only justification before God and 
Providence for the great and unprecedented dominion which they 
exercised in India was in the happiness which they communicated 
to the subjects under their rule, and in proving to the world at 
large and to the inhabitants of Hindustan that the inheritance of 
Akbar (the wisest and most beneficent of Mahomedan Princes) had 
not fallen into unworthy or degenerate hands. Hence it was im- 
portant that when the dominion of India was transferred from the 
East India Company to the King’s Government they should have 
the benefit of the experience of the most enlightened councillors, 
not only on the financial condition of our Empire in the East but 
also on the character of its inhabitants. He stated confidently, 
after referring to the evidence given by persons eminently calcu- 
lated to estimate what the character of the people of India was, 
that they must, as a first step to their improved social condition, 
be admitted to a larger share in the administration of their local 
affairs. On that point their lordships had the testimony of a series 
of successful experiments and the evidence of the most unexcep- 
tionable witnesses who had gone at a mature period of their life 
and with much natural and acquired knowledge to visit the East. 
Among the crowd of witnesses which he could call to the improv- 
able condition of the Hindu character he would select only two ; 
but those two were well calculated to form a correct judgment, 
and fortunately contemplated Indian society from very different 
points of view. Those two witnesses were Sir Thomas Monro and 
Bishop Heber. He could not conceive any two persons more emi- 
nently calculated to form an accurate opinion upon human character, 
and particularly upon that of the Hindu tribes. They were both 
highly distinguished for talent and integrity, yet they were placed 
in situations from which they might have easily come to the forma- 
tion of different opinions — one of them being conversant with the 
affairs of the East from his childhood and familiarised by long 
habit with the working of the system, and the other being a refined 
Christian philosopher and scholar going out to the East late in 
life, and applying in India the knowledge which he had acquired 


.398 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


here to form an estimate of the character of its inhabitants. He 
held in his hand the testimony of each of those able men, as ex- 
tracted from their different published works, and with the permis- 
sion of the House he would read a few words from both. Sir 
T. Monro, in speaking of the Hindu character, said : ‘ Unless we 
suppose that they are inferior to us in natural talent, which there 
is no reason to believe, it is much more likely that they will be 
duly qualified for their employments than Europeans for theirs — 
because the field of selection is so much greater in the one than in 
the other. We have a whole nation from which to make our choice 
of Natives, but in order to make choice of Europeans we have only 
the small body of the Company’s Covenanted servants. No con- 
ceit more wild and absurd than this was ever engendered in the 
darkest ages : for what is in every age and every country the 
great stimulus to the pursuit of knowledge but the prospect of 
fame or wealth or power ? Or what is even the use of great at- 
tainments if they are not to be devoted to their noblest purpose, 
the service of the community, by employing those who possess 
them according to their respective qualifications in the various 
duties of the public administration of the country ? Our books 
alone will do little or nothing ; dry, simple literature will never 
improve the character of a nation. To produce this effect it must 
open the road to wealth and honour and public employment. 
Without the prospect of such reward no attainments in science will 
ever raise the character of a people.’ That was the sound practical 
opinion of Sir T. Monro, founded on his experience acquired 
in every part of India, in every department of the publice service. 
Bishop Heber during his extensive journey of charity and religion 
through India, to which he at length fell a martyr, used these 
remarkable expressions : i Of the natural disposition of the Hindu 
J_ still see abundant reason to think highly, and Mr. Bayley and 
Mr. Melville both agreed with me that they are constitutionally 
hind -hearted, industrious, sober, and peaceable ; at the same time 
that they show themselves on proper occasions a manly and cour- 
rageous people.’ And again : ‘ They are decidedly by nature a 

mild, pleasing, and intelligent race, sober, parsimonious, and, 
where an object is held out to them, most industrious and per- 
severing.’ Their lordships were therefore justified in coming to 
the same conclusion — a conclusion to which, indeed, they must come 
if they only considered the acts of this people in past ages — if they 
only looked at the monuments of gratitude and piety which they 
had erected to their benefactors and friends — for to India, if to 
any country, the observation of the poet applied : — 

1 Sunt hie ctiam sua preemia laudi, 

Sunt laerymse verum, et mentem mortalia tangunt.’ 

But. however much civilisation had been obscured in those 
r egions, whatever inroads foreign conquest and domestic super- 
stition had made upon their moral habits, it was undeniable that 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


399 


they had still materials left for improving and ameliorating their 
condition ; and their lordships would be remiss in the performance 
of the high duties which devolved upon them if they did not 
secure to the numerous Natives of Hindustan the ample develop- 
ment of all their mental endowments and moral qualifications. 
“ It was a part of the new system which he had to propose to 
their lordships that to every office in India every Native, of 
whatsoever caste, sect, or religion, should by law be equally 
admissible, and he hoped that Government would seriously endea- 
vour to give the fullest effect to this arrangement, which would 
be as beneficial to the people themselves as it would be advanta- 
ges to the economical reforms which were now in progress in 
different parts of India.” 

(Page 174, July 5th , 1833.) — “ And without being at all 
too sanguine as to the result of the following up those principles 
without calculating upon any extension of territory through 
them, he was confident “that the strength of the Government 
would be increased by the happiness of the people over whom it 
presided, and by the attachment of those nations to it.” 

Tol. XIX., Third Series, p. 191. 

July 5th , 1833. 

Lord Ellenborough : — 

“ He felt deeply interested in the prosperity of India, and 
when he was a Minister of the Crown, filling an office peculiarly 
connected with that country, he had always considered it his 
paramount duty to do all in his power to promote that prosperity. 
He was as anxious as any of his Majesty’s Ministers could be 
to raise the moral character of the Native population of India. 
He trusted that the time would eventually come, though he never 
■expected to see it, when the Natives of India could, with advan- 
tage to the country and with honour to themselves, fill even 
the highest situations there. He looked forward to the arrival 
of such a period, though he considered it far distant from the 
present day ; and he proposed, by the reduction of taxation 
which was the only way to benefit the lower classes in India, to 
elevate them ultimately in the scale of society, so as to fit them 
for admission to offices of power and trust. To attempt to 
precipitate the arrival of such a state of society as that he had 
been describing was the surest way to defeat the object in view. 
He never, however, looked forward to a period when all offices 
lii India would be placed in the hands of Natives. No man in 
his senses would propose to place the political and military power 
in India in the hands of the Natives. 

“The Marquess of Lansdowne observed that what the 
Government proposed Was' that. 'all offices in India should be by 
law open to the Natives of that country. 


400 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


“ Lord EUenborough said such was precisely the proposition 
of Government, but our very existence in India depended upon 
the exclusion of the Natives from military and political power in 
that country. We were there in a situation not of our own seekings 
in a situation from which we could not recede without producing 
bloodshed from one end of India to the other. We had won the 
Empire of India by the sword, a,nd we must preserve it by the 
same means, doing at the same time everything that was consistent 
with our existence there fore the good of the people.” 

Macaulay fully answers Lord EUenborough. 

Vol. XiX, Third Series, p. 533. 
July 10 th : 1833. 

Mr. Macaulp.y : — 

“ I have detained the House so long, Sir, that I will defer 
what I had to say in some parts of this measure— important parts, 
indeed, but far less important as I think than those to which I 
have adverted, till we are in Committee. There is, however, one 
part of the Bill on which, after what has recently passed elsewhere, 

I feel myself irresistibly impelled to say a few words. “ I allude 
to that wise, that benevolent, that noble clause, which enacts 
that no Native of our Indian Empire shall, by reason of his colour 
his descent, or his religion, be incapable of holding office.” At 
the risk of being called by that nickname which is regarded as 
the most opprobrious of all nicknames by men of selfish 
hearts and contracted minds — at the risk of being called a 
philosopher — I must say that, to the last day of my life , I shall 
he proud of having been one of those who assisted in the fram- 
ing of the Bill which contains that clause. We are told that 
the time can never come when the Natives of India can be admit- 
ted to high civil and military office. We are told that this is the 
condition on which we hold our power. We are told that we are 
bound to confer on our subjects— every benefit which they are 
capable of enjoying ? — no — which it is in our power to confer on 
them ?— no— but which we can confer on them without hazard 
to our own domination. “Against that proposition I solemnly 
protest as inconsistent alike with sound policy and sound 
morality.” 

“ I am far, very far, from wishing to proceed hastily in this 
most delicate matter. I feel that, for the good of India itself, the 
admission of Natives to high office must be effected by slow 
degrees. But that when the fulness of time is come, when the 
interest of India requires the change, we ought to refuse to make 
that change lest we should endanger our own power — this is a 
doctrine which I cannot think of without indignation. Govern- 
ments, like men, may buy existence too dear. “ Propter vitam 
vivendi pordere eausas,’ is a despicable policy either in individuals- 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 401 


or in States. In the present ease, such a policy would be not only 
despicable, but absurd.” The mere extent of empire is not neces- 
sarily an advantage. To many Governments it has been cumber- 
some ; to some it has been fatal. It will be allowed by every 
statesman of our time that the prosperity of a community is made 
up of the prosperitv of those who compose the community, and 
that it “ is the most childish ambition to covet dominion which 
adds to no man's comfort or security.” To the great trading 
nation, to the great manufacturing nation, no progress which any 
portion of the human race can make in knowledge, in taste for the 
conveniences of life, or in the wealth by which those conveniences 
are produced, can be matter of indifference. It is scarcely 
possible to calculate the benefits which we might derive from 
the diffusion of European civilisation among the vast popula- 
tion of the East. “ It would be, on the most selfish view of the 
case, far better for us that the people of India were well governed 
and independent of us, than ill-governed and subject to us ” — that 
they were ruled by their own kings, but wearing our broad cloth, 
and working with our cutlery, than that they were performing 
their salaams to English Collectors and English Magistrates, but 
were too ignorant to value, or too poor to buy, English manu- 
factures. To trade with civilised men is infinitely more profit- 
able than to govern savages. “That would indeed be a doting 
wisdom, which, in order that India might remain a dependency* 
would keep it a useless and costly dependency — which would keep 
a hundred millions of men from being our customers in order that 
they might continue to be our slaves. < 

“ It was, as Bernier tells us, the practice of the miserable 
tyrants whom he found in India, when they dreaded the capacity 
and spirit of some distinguished subject, and yet could not ven- 
ture to murder him, to administer to him a daily dose of the 
pousta, a preparation of opium, the effect of which was in a few 
months to destroy all the bodily and mental powers of the wretch 
who was drugged with it, and to turn him into a helpless idiot. 

That detestable artifice, more horrible than assassination itself, 
was worthy of those who employed it. “ It is no model for the 
English nation. We shall never consent to administer the pousta 
to a whole community — to stupefy and paralyse a great people, 
whom God has committed to our charge, for the wretched purpose 
of rendering them more amenable to our control.” What is that 
power worth which is founded on vice, on ignorance, and on 
misery— which we can hold only by violating the most sacred 
duties which as governors we owe to the governed — which as a. 
people blessed with far more than an ordinary measure of political 
liberty and of intellectual light, we owe to a race debased by three 
thousand years of despotism and priestcraft ? “ We are free, we 
are civilised to little purpose, if we grudge to any portion of the 
human race an equal measure of freedom and civilisation. 

26 


402 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


“ Are we to keep the people of India ignorant in order 
that we may keep them submissive ? Or do we think that we 
can give them knowledge without awakening ambition ? Or 
do we mean to awaken ambition and to provide it with no legiti- 
mate vent ? Who will answer any of these questions in the affirm- 
ative ? Yet one of them must be answered in the affirmative by 
■every person wh6 maintains that we ought permanently to exclude 
the Natives from high office. “ I have no fears. The path of duty 
is plain before us : and it is also the path of wisdom, of national 
prosperity, of national honour. 

“ The destinies of our Indian Empire are covered with 
thick darkness. It is difficult to form any conjecture as to 
the fate reserved for a State which resembles no other in 
history, and which forms by itself a separate class of political 
phenomena. The laws which regulate its growth and its decay 
are still unknown to us. It may be that the public mind of India 
may expand under our system till it has outgrown that system ; 
that by good government we may educate our subjects into a capa- 
city for better government, that, having become instructed in Euro- 
pean knowledge, they may, in some future age, demand European 
institutions. Whether such a day will ever come I know not. 
“But never will I attempt to avert or to retard it. Whenever it 
comes, it will be the proudest day in English history.” To have 
found a great people sunk in the lowest depths of slavery and 
superstition, to have so ruled them as to have made them desirous 
and capable of all the privileges of citizens would indeed be a 
title to “ glory all our own.” The sceptre may pass away 
from us. Unforeseen accidents may derange our most profound 
schemes of policy. Victory may be inconstant to our arms. “But 
there are triumphs which are followed by no reverses. There is 
an empire exempt from all natural causes of decay. Those triumphs 
are the pacific triumphs of reason over barbarism ; that empire is 
the imperishable empire of our arts and our morals, our literature, 
and our law.” 

Vol. XIX, Third Scries, p. 536. 
T uly 10 th , 1833 . 

Mr. Wynn : — 

“ In nothing, however, more unreservedly did he agree with 
the hon. member than in the sentiments which he so forcibly im- 
pressed on the House at the close of his speech. “He had been 
convinced, ever since he was first connected with the affairs of 
India, that the only principle on which that Empire could justly 
or wisely or advantageously be administered was that of admitting 
the Natives to a participation in the government, and allowing 
them to hold every office the duties of which they were competent 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


403 


to discharge.” That principle had been supported by the authority 
of Sir Thomas Monro, and of the ablest functionaries in India, 
and been resisted with no small pertinacity and prejudice. It had 
been urged that the Natives were undeserving of trust, that no 
dependence could be placed on their integrity, whatever might be 
their talents and capacity, which no one disputed. Instances 
were adduced of their corruption and venality — “ but were they 
not the result of our conduct towards them ? ” Duties of import- 
ance devolved upon them without any adequate remuneration 
either in rank or salary. There was no reward or promotion for 
fidelity ; and why then complain of peculation and bribery. “ We 
made vices and then punished them ; we reduced men to slavery 
and then reproached them with the faults of slaves.” 

Vol. XIX, Third Series, p. 547. 

July 10 th, 1833. 

Mr. Charles Grant, in replying, said : — 

“ He would advert very briefly to some of the suggestions 
which had been offered in the course of this debate. Before doing 
so, he must first embrace the opportunity of expressing not what 
he felt, for language could not express it, but of making an 
attempt to convey to the House his sympathy with it in its admira- 
tion of the speech of his hon. and learned friend the member 
for Leeds — a speech which, he would venture to assert, had never 
been exceeded within those walls for the development of statesman- 
like policy and practical good sense. It exhibited all that was 
noble in oratory, all that was sublime, he had almost said, in 
poetry— all that was truly great, exalted, and virtuous in human 
nature. If the House at large felt a deep interest in this magni- 
ficent display it might judge of what were his emotions when 
he perceived in the hands of his hon. friend the great principles 
he had propounded to the House glowing with fresh colours and 
arrayed in all the beaut} r of truth. 

I I B Q I 

“ If one circumstance more than another could give him 
satisfaction it was that the main principle of this Bill had received 
the approbation of the House, and that the House was now legis- 
lating for India and the people of India on the great and just 
principle that in doing so the interests of the people of India 
should be principally consulted, and that all other interests of 
wealth, of commerce, and of revenue, should be as nothing com- 
pared with the paramount obligation imposed upon the legislature 
of promoting the welfare and prosperity of that great Empire 
which Providence had placed in our hands. 

! I ) l i 


404 


DADABHAI NAOROjf S WRITINGS. 


“ Convinced as he was of the necessity of admitting 
Europeans to India, he would not consent to remove a single 
restriction on their admission unless it was consistent with tho 
interests of the Natives. Provide for their protection and then 
throw open wide the doors of those magnificent regions and admit 
subjects there — not as aliens, not as culprits, but as friends. In 
spite of the difference between the two peoples, in spite of the 
difference of their religions, there was a sympathy which he was 
persuaded would unite them, and he looked forward with hope and 
eagerness to the “ rich harvest of blessings which he trusted would 
flow from the present measure.” 

Page 624, July 12 th 1833. 

Mr. Wynn : — 

“ He could not subscribe to the perfection of the system that 
had hitherto prevailed in India ; for, he could not forget that the 
Natives and half-castes were excluded from all employment in 
situations where they could be more effective than Europeans and 
at a much smaller cost. u The principle of employing those per- 
sons he considered to be essential to the good government of India,” 
and he could not applaud that system which had been founded on 
a violation of that principle.” 

Yol. XX., Third Series, p. 223, 
August 5 th t 1833. 

Duke of Wellington : — 

“ Then with respect to the clause declaring the Natives to be 
eligible to all situations. Why was that declaration made in the 
face of a regulation preventing its being carried into effect ? It 
was a mere deception. It might, to a considerable extent, be 
applicable in the capitals of the Presidencies ; but, in the interior, 
as appeared by the evidence of Mr. Elpliinstone, and by that of 
every respectable authority, it was impracticable. He certainly 
thought that it was advisable to admit the Natives to certain in- 
ferior civil and other offices ; but the higher ones must as yet be 
closed against them, if our Empire in India was to be maintained.” 

After such exhaustive consideration from all political, 
imperial, and social aspects, the following, “ that wise, that 
benevolent, that noble clause,” was deliberately enacted by 
the Parliament of this country — worthy of the righteous- 
ness, justice, and noble instincts of the British people in 
the true British spirit 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


405 


3 and 4 William IV., cap. 85. 1833* 

‘‘That no native of the said territories, nor any natural-born 
subject of his Majesty resident therein, shall, by reason only of 
his religion, place of birth, descent, colour, or any of them, be 
disabled from holding any place, office, or employment under the 
said Company.” 

Ret. C— 2376, 1879, p. 13. 

“ The Court of Directors interpreted this Act in an 
explaining despatch in the following words : — 

“The Court conceive this section to mean that “there shall be 
no governing caste in British India” ; that whatever other tests of 
qualification may be adopted, distinction of race or religion shall 
not be of the number; that no subject of the King, whether of 
Indian or British or mixed descent, shall be excluded from the 
posts usually conferred on Uncovenanted servants in India, or 
from the Covenanted Service itself , provided he be otherwise 
eligible.” 

After this explanation by the Court of Directors, bow 
did they behave ? 

During the twenty years of their Charter, to the year 
1853, they made the Act and their own explanation a com- 
plete dead letter. They did not at all take any steps to 
give the slightest opportunity to Indians for a single 
appointment to the Covenanted Civil Service, to which my 
statement chiefly refers ; though the British people and 
Parliament are no party to this unfaithfulness, and never 
meant that the Act should remain a sham and delusion. 

Twenty years passed, and the revision of the Com- 
pany’s Charter again came before Parliament in 1853 ; and 
if anything was more insisted on and bewailed than 
another, it was the neglect of the authorities to give effect 
to the Act of 1833. The principles of 1833 were more 
emphatically insisted on. I would just give a few extracts 
from the speeches of some of the most eminent statesmen 
in the debate on the Charter. 


406 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


Hansard , Yol, 120 p. 865. 
April 19 th, 1852. 

Mr. Golbeurn : — 

“ Sir Thomas Monro had said — There is one great question to 
which we should look in all our arrangements, namely, what is to 
be the final result of our government on the character of the 
people, and whether that character will be raised or lowered. 
Are we to be satisfied with merely securing our power and 
protecting the inhabitants, leaving them to sink gradually in 
character lower than at present, or are we to endeavour to raise 
their character ? It ought undoubtedly to be our aim to 
raise the minds of the Natives, and to take care that whenever 
our connexion with India shall cease, it shall not appear that the 
only fruit of our dominion had been to leave the people more 
abject than when we found them. It would certainly be more 
desirable we should be expelled from the country altogether, 
than that our system of government should be such an abase- 
ment of a whole people.” 


Hansard , Yol. 121, p. 496. 

May Uth, 1852. 

Lord Monteagle, in presenting a petition to the 
House of Lords, said : — 

“ But a clause recommended or supported as he believed by 
the high authority of Lord William Bentinck was made part of 
the last Charter Act of the 3rd and 4th William IV, and affirmed 
the principle of an opposite policy. It was to the following 
effect : . . . . Yet notwithstanding his authority, notwithstand- 
ing likewise the result of the experiment tried and the spirit of 
the clause he had cited, there had been a practical exclusion of 
them from all 4 Covenanted Services,’ as they were called, from 
the passing of the last Charter up to the present time.” 


Mr. Bright 


Hansard, Yol. 127, p. 1,184. 
Jvne 3rd, 1853. 


“ Another subject requiring close attention on the part of 
Parliament was the employment of the Natives of India in the 
service of the Government. The right hon. member for Edin- 
burgh (Mr. Macaulay), in proposing the India Bill of 1833 had 
dwelt on one of its clauses, which provided that neither colour nor 
caste nor religion nor place of birth should be a bar to the employ- 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


407 


ment of persons by the Government ; whereas, as matter of fact, 
from that time to this no person in India had been so employed 
who might not have been equally employed before that clause was 
enacted ; and from the statement of the right hon. gentleman the 
President of the Board of Control, that it was proposed to keep 
up the Covenanted Service system, it was clear that this most 
objectionable and most offensive state of things was to continue. 
Mr. Cameron, a gentleman thoroughly versed in the subject, as 
fourth Member of Council in India, President of the Indian Law 
Commission, and of the Council of Education for Bengal — w T hat 
did he say on this point ? He said : ‘ The statute of 1833 made 
the Natives of India ‘ eligible to all offices ’ under the Company. 
But during the twenty years that have since elapsed not one of 
the Natives has been appointed to any offices except such as they 
were eligible to before the statute.” 

Hansard , Yol. 128, p. 759, 1853. 

Macaulay said : — 

“ In my opinion we shall not secure or prolong our dominion 
in India by attempting to exclude the Natives of that country 
from a share in its government.” ( Contemporary Review , June, 
1883, p. 803.) 


Mr. Rich : — 


Hansard , Yol. 128, p. 986. 
June 30 th, 1853. 


“ But if the case as to the Native military was a strong one, it 
was much stronger as to civilians. It had been admitted that 
ninety-five per cent, of the administration of justice was discharged 
by Native judges. Thus they had the work, the hard work; but 
the places of honour and emolument were reserved for the Coven- 
anted Service — the friends and relatives of the directors. Was it 
just that the whole work, the heat and labour of the day, should be 
borne by Natives and all the prizes reserved for Europeans? Was 
it politic to continue such a system ? They might turn up the whites 
of their eyes and exclaim at American persistence in slavery. 
There the hard work was done by the negro whilst the control and 
enjoyment of profit and power were for the American. Was ours 
different in India? What did Mill lay down ? European control — 
Native agency. And svhat was the translation of that? ‘White 
power, black slavery.’ Was this just, or was it wise ? Mill said 
it was necessary in order to obtain respect from the Natives. But 
he (Mr. Kieh) had yet to learn that injustice was the parent of 
respect. Real respect grew out of common service, common emul a- 
tion, and common ^rights impartially upheld. We must underp 1 n 


408 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


our Empire by such principles, or some fine morning it would 
crumble beneath our feet. So long as he had a voice in that House 
it should be raised in favour of admitting our Native fellow 
subjects in India to all places to which their abilities and conduct 
should entitle them to rise.” 

Hansard, y ol. 129, p. 581. 
July 21s£, 1853. 

Mr. Moncton Milnes : — 

“ Objectionable as he believed many parts of the Bill were, he 
considered this was the most objectionable portion, and from it, 
very unhappy consequences might arise. When the Natives of 
India, heard it proclaimed, that they had a right to enter the ser- 
vice of the Company, they would by their own intelligence and 
ability render themselves qualified for that service, if they only 
had the means of doing so. Then one of the two consequences 
would follow. They would either find their way into the service, 
or else the Company would have arrayed against; them a spirit of 
discontent on the part of the whole people of India, the result of 
which it would be difficult to foresee. He did not see on what 
principles of justice, if they once admitted the principle of open 
competition, they could say to the Natives of India they had not a 
perfect right to enter the service.” 

Hansard, Vol. 129, p. 665. 
July 22nd, 1853. 

Mr. J. G. Phillimore quotes Lord William Ben- 
tinck : — 

“ ‘The bane of our system’ is not solely that the Civil Administration 
Is entirely in the hands of foreigners, but the holders of this mono- 
poly, the patrons of these foreign agents, are those who exercise its 
directing power at home ; that this directing power is exclusively 
paid by patronage, and that the value of the patronage depends 
exactly upon the degree in which all the honours and emoluments 
of the State are engrossed by their clients to the exclusion of the 
Natives, There exists, in consequence, on the part of the home 
authorities, an interest in the Administration precisely similar to 
what formerly prevailed as to commerce, ‘ and directly opposed to 
the welfare of India.’” 

Though open competition was introduced, the mono- 
poly of the Europeans and the injustice and injury to the 
Indians was allowed to continue by refusing to the Indians 
simultaneous examinations in India as the only method of 
justice to them, as will be seen further on. m 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 409 

Mr. Rich and Lord Stanley (the late Lord Derby) 
then emphatically put their fingers upon this black plague- 
spot in the system of British rule. 

Hansard , Yol. 129, p. 682. 
July 22nd, 1853. 

Mr. Rich raised the question whether or not the 
Natives were to be admitted to the Company's Covenanted 
■Service. He said : — 

“ As regarded employment in the public service, the Natives 
were placed in a worse position by the present Bill than they were 
before. The intention of the Act of 1833 was to open the services 
to the Natives ; and surely now, when our Indian Empire was 
more secure than it was at that time, it was not wise to deviate 
from such a line of policy. His object was that all offices in India 
should be effectively opened to Natives, and therefore he would not 
require them to come over to this country for examination, as such 
a condition would necessarily entail on Natives of India great ex- 
pense, expose them to the risk of losing caste, and thereby operate 
as a bar against their obtaining the advantages held out to all 
other of her Majesty’s subjects. The course of education through 
which the youth of India at present went at the established colleges 
in that country afforded the most satisfactory proof of their effici- 
ency for discharging the duties of office 

“ This was not just or wise, and would infallibly lead to a 
most dangerous agitation, by which in a few years that “ which 
would now be accepted as a boon would be wrested from the Legis- 
lature -as a right.” They had opened the commerce of India in 
spite of the croakers of the day. “ Let them now open the posts 
of government to the Natives, and they would have a more happy 
and contented people.” 

Hansard , Yol. 129, p. 684. 
July 22nd, 1853. 

Lord Stanley : — 

“ He could not refrain from expressing his conviction that, in 
refusing to carry on examinations in India as well as in England — 
a thing that was easily practicable — the Government were, in fact, 
negativing that which they declared to be one of the principal 
objects of their Bill, and confining the civil service, as heretofore, 
to Englishmen. “ That result was unjust, and he believed it 
would be most pernicious.” . 


410 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


Hansard , Yol. 129, p. 784. 
July 25th, 1853. 

Lord Stanley : — 

“Let them suppose, for instance, that instead of holding those 
examinations here in London, that they were to be held in 
Calcutta. Well, how many Englishmen would go out there — or 
how many would send out their sons, perhaps to spend two or 
three years in the country on the chance of obtaining an appoint- 
ment ! “ Nevertheless, that was exactly the course proposed to be 
adopted towards the Natives of India.” 

Hansard , Yol. 129, p. 778. 
July 25th, 1853. 

Mr. Bright said — 

“ That the motion now before the Committee involved the 
question which had been raised before during these discussions, 
but which had never been fairly met by the President of the Board 
of Control, namely, whether the clause in the Act of 1833, Avhieh 
had been so often alluded to, had not up to this time been alto- 
gether a nullity. If any doubt had been entertained with respect 
to the object of that clause, it would be removed by reference to 
the answers given by the then President of the Board of Control 
to the hon. member for Montrose and to the speech of the right 
hon. gentleman the present member for Edinburgh (Mr.Macaulay), 
in both of which it was distinctly declared that the object was to 
breakdown the barriers which were supposed to exist to the ad- 
mission of the Natives as well as Europeans to high offices in 
India. And yet there was the best authority for saying that no- 
thing whatever had been done in consequence of that clause. He 
(Mr. Bright) did not know of a single case where a Native of India 
had been admitted to any office since that time, more distinguished 
or more highly paid than he would have been competent to fill had 
that clause been not passed.” 


Hansard , Yol. 129, p. 787. 

July 25th, 1853. 

Mr. Moncton Milnes said : — 

“ He thought the Bill was highly objectionable in this respect 
that while it pretended to lay down the generous principle that no 
condition of colour, creed or caste was to be vegarded as a dis- 
qualification for office, it hampered the principle with such regula- 
tions and modifications as would render it all but impossible for 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


411 


the Natives to avail themselves of it. The Bill in this respect was 
a delusion and would prove a source of chronic and permanent 
discontent to the people of India.” 

Hansard , Vol. 129, p. 788. 
July 25 th, 1853. 

Mr. J. G. Phillimore said : — 

“ He also feared that the Bill would prove delusive, and that 
although it professed to do justice to the Natives the “spirit of 
monopoly would still blight the hopes and break the spirits of the 
Indian people. While such a state of things continued India 
would be attached to this country by no bond of affection,” but 
would be retained by the power of the Army and the terror of the 
sword. He implored of the Committee “ not to allow such an 
Empire to be governed in the miserable spirit of monopoly and 
exclusion.” 

Will the present statesmen ever learn this truth ? Is 
it a wonder that the British people are losing the affec- 
tions of the Indian people ? 

Hansard , Yol. 129, p. 1,335. 
August 5th, 1853. 

Earl Granville : — 

“ I for one, speaking individually, have never felt the slightest 
alarm at Natives, well-qualified and fitted for public employments, 
being employed in any branch of the public service of India.” 

Thus began the second chapter of this melancholy his- 
tory with the continuation of the same spirit of selfishness 
which had characterised the previous twenty years, with 
the clear knowledge of the gross injustice to the Indians 
by not allowing them the same facility as was allowed to 
English youths, by simultaneous examinations in India 
and England. This injustice continued till the second 
chapter ended in the Mutiny of 1857, and the rule passed 
from the Company to the Crown. 

The third chapter from that time began again with the 
revival of great hopes — that, however unfortunate and 


412 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


deplorable the Mutiny was, one great good sprang from 
that evil. The conscience of the British people was 
awakened to all previous injustice and dishonour brought 
upon them by their servants, and to a sense of their own 
duty. A new era opened, brighter, far brighter, than 
even that of the Act of 1833. 

Not only was the Act of 1833 allowed to continue a 
living reality, at least in word, but in directing the mode 
of future services the Act of 1858 left it comprehensively 
open to adopt any plan demanded by justice. It did not 
indicate in the slightest degree prevention or exclusion of 
Indians from any service or from simultaneous examina- 
tions in India and England, or of any mode of admission 
of Indians into the Covenanted Civil Service, or of doing 
equal justice to all her Majesty’s natural-born subjects. 
I shall show further on the interpretation by the Civil 
Service Commissioners themselves. 

The sections of the. Act of 1858 are as follows : — 

1. — 21-22 Vic., Cap. 106, “ An Act for the better government 
of India ” ("2nd August, 1858). Section 32 provides that : — 

“ With all convenient speed after the passing of this Act, 
regulations shall be made by the Secretary of State in Council, 
with the advice and assistance of the Commissioners for the time 
being acting in execution of her Majesty’s Order in Council of 
Twenty-first May , One thousand, eight hundred, and fifty-five, 
4 for regulating the admission of persons to the Civil Service of 
the Crown,’ for admitting all persons being natural-born subjects 
of her Majesty (and of such age and qualification as may be 
prescribed in this behalf) who may be desirous of becoming candi- 
dates for appointment to the Civil Services of India to be ex- 
amined as candidates accordingly, and for prescribing the branches 
of knowledge in which such candidates shall be examined, and 
generally for regulating and conducting such examinations under 
the superintendence of the said last-mentioned Commissioners, 
or of the persons for the time being entrusted with the carrying 
out of such regulations as may be from time to time established 
by her Majesty for examination, certificate, or other test of 
fitness in relation to appointments to junior situations in the 
Civil Services of the Crown, and the candidates who may be 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


41a 


certified by the said Commissioners or other persons as aforesaid 
to be entitled under such regulations shall be recommended for 
appointment according to the order of their proficiency as shown 
by such examinations, and such persons only as shall have been 
so certified as aforesaid shall be appointed or admitted to the 
Civil Services of India by the Secretary of State in Council r 
Provided always, that all regulations to be made by the said 
Secretary of State in Council under this Act shall be laid before 
Parliament within fourteen days after the making thereof, if 
Parliament be sitting, and, if Parliament be not sitting, then 
within fourteen days after the next meeting thereof.” 

2. — The same Act, Cap. 106, Sect. 34, provides : — 

“ With all convenient speed after the commencement of this 
Act, regulations shall be made for admitting any persons “being 
natural-born subjects of her Majesty ” (and of such age and 
qualifications as may be prescribed in this behalf) who may be 
desirous of becoming candidates for cadetships in the Engineers 
and in the Artillery, to be examined as candidates accordingly, 
and for prescribing the branches of knowledge in which such 
candidates shall be examined, and generally for regulating and 
conducting such examinations.” 

Though this Section does not impose any disability on 
an Indian — for it provides for “ any persons being natural- 
born subjects of her Majesty ” — yet an Indian is totally 
excluded from such examination. As I have already 
placed before the Commission my correspondence with 
the War Office, I need not say more. 

3. — Sections 35 and 36 provide : — 

“Not less than one-tenth of the whole number of’persons to be 
recommended in any year for military cadetships (other than 
cadetships in the Engineers and Artillery) shall be selected 
according to such regulations as the Secretary of State in Council 
may from time to time make in this behalf from among the sons 
of persons who have served in India in the military or civil 
services of her Majesty, or of the East India Company.” 

“Except as aforesaid, all persons to be recommended for 
military cadetships shall be nominated by the Secretary of State 
and Members of Council, so that out of seventeen nominations 
the Secretary of State shall have two and each Member of 
Council shall have one ; but no person so nominated shall be 
recommended unless the nomination be approved of by the Secre- 
tary of State in Council.” 


414 


DADABHAl NAOKOJl’S WRITINGS. 


In these sections also there is no exclusion of Indians. 

But the Sovereign and the people did not rest even by 
such comprehensive enactment by Parliament. They 
explicitly emphasised and removed any possible doubt 
with regard to the free and equal treatment of all her 
Majesty’s natural- horn subjects without any distinction of 
race, colour, or creed. 

Thus, on the 1st November, 1858, followed the great 
and glorious Proclamation by the Sovereign on behalf of 
the British people : our complete “great charter ” of our 
national and political rights of British citizenship and of 
perfect equality in all the services of the Sovereign — a 
proclamation the like of which had never been proc-laimed 
in the history of the world under similar circumstances. 

Here are the special clauses of that Proclamation : — 

“ We hold ourselves hound to the Natives of our Indian 
territories by the “same obligations of duty which bind us to all 
our other subjects, ” and those obligations, by the blessing of 
Almighty God, we shall “faithfully and conscientiously” fulfil.” 

“ And it is our further will that, so far as may be, our sub- 
jects, of whatever race or creed, be freely and impartially admitted 
to offices in our service, the duties of which they may be qualified, 
by their education, ability and integrity, duly to discharge. 

“ In their prosperity will be our strength, in their content- 
ment our security, and in their gratitude our best reward. And 
may the God of all Power grant to us, and to those in authority 
under us, strength to carry out these our wishes for the good of 
our people.” 

Such was the noblest Proclamation of 1858. What 
more could we ask, and what bonds of gratitude and 
affection, and what vast benefits to both countries, were 
expected to tie us to the connexion with Britain by a loyal 
and honourable fulfilment of it ? 

Yes, I was in Bombay when this glad — I may almost 
say divine — message to India was proclaimed there to a 
surging crowd. What rejoicings, v/hat fireworks, illumina- 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


415 


tions, and the roar of cannon ! What joy ran through 
the length and breadth of India, of a second and firm 
emancipation, of a new British political life, forgetting and 
forgiving all the past evil and hoping for a better future ! 
What were the feelings of the people ! How deep loyalty 
and faith in Britain was rekindled ! It was said over 
and over again : Let this Proclamation be faithfully and 
conscientiously fulfilled, and England may rest secure and 
in strength upon the gratitude and contentment of the 
people — as the Proclamation had closed its last words of 
prayer. 

Now, when I look back to-day to that day of joy, how 
I feel how all this was doomed to disappointment, with the 
addition of some even worse features, of dishonour, in- 
justice, and selfishness. However, 1 must proceed with 
the sad tale. 

Not long after her Majesty’s Proclamation of 1858, a 
Committee was appointed by the Secretary of State for 
India of the following members of his own Council : Sir 

J. P. Willoughby, Mr. Mangles, Mr. Arbuthnot, Mr. 
Maonaghten, and Sir Erskine Perry, all Anglo-Indians. 
This Committee made its report on 20bh January, 1860, 
from which I give the following extracts on the subject 
of the pledge of the Act of 1833 : — 

“ 2. We are in the first place/ 4 unanimously ” of opinion that 
it is not only just, but expedient, that the Natives of India shall 
be employed in the administration of India to as large an extent 
as possible consistently with the maintenance of British supre- 
macy, and have considered whether any increased facilities can 
be given in this direction. 

44 3. It is true that, even at present, no positive disquali- 
fication exists. By Act 3 and 4 Wm. IV, cap. 85, sec. 87, it 
is enacted 4 that no Native of the said territories nor any natural- 
born subject of his Majesty resident therein shall, by reason only 
of his religion, place of birth, descent, colour, or any of them, be 
disabled from holding any place, office, or employment under the 


416 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


said Company.’ It is obvious, therefore, that when the competitive 
system was adopted, it could not have been intended to exclude 
Natives of India from the Civil Service of India, 

“ 4. Practically, however, they are excluded. The law 
declares them eligible, but the difficulties opposed to a Native 
leaving India and residing in England for a time, are so great, 
that, as a general rule, it is almost impossible for a Native 
successfully to compete at the periodical examinations held in 
England. “Were this inequality removed, we should no longer 
be exposed to the charge of keeping promise to the ear and 
breaking it to the hope.” 

“5. Two modes have been suggested by which the object in 
view might be attained. The first is, by alloting a certain portion 
of the total number of appointments declared in each year to be 
competed for in India by Natives, and by all other natural-born 
subjects of her Majesty resident in India. The second is to hold 
simultaneously two examinations, one in England and one in 
India, both being, as farus practicable, identical in their nature, and 
those who compete in both countries being finally classified in 
one list, according to merit, by the Civil Service Commissioners. 
The Committee have “ no hesitation in giving the preference to 
the second scheme,” as being the “ fairest,” and the most in accord- 
ance with the principles of a general competition for a common 
object. 

“6. In order to aid them in carrying out a scheme of this 
nature, the Committee have consulted the Civil Service Commis- 
sion, and, through the favour of Sir Edward Ryan, they have ob- 
tained a very able paper, in which the advantages and disadvantages 
of either plan are fully and lucidly discussed. They would solicit 
your careful consideration of this document, and will only, in con- 
clusion, add that, in the event of either of the plans being adopted, 
it will be requisite to provide for the second examination of suc- 
cessful competitors in India, as nearly as possible resembling that 
now required in England. The Civil Service Commissioners do not 
anticipate much difficulty in arranging for this. The Committee, 
however, are decidedly of opinion that the examination papers on 
which the competition is to proceed in India and England should 
be identical ; but they think, in justice to the Natives, that three 
colloquial Oriental languages should be added to the three modern 
European languages, so as to give the candidates the opportunity 
of selection.” 

I asked the India Office to give me a copy of the “ very 
able paper” of the Civil Service Commission above referred 
to. The India Office refused to give it to me. I was 
allowed to see it in the India Office, and I then asked to 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 41 7 


be allowed to take a copy of it myself there and then. 
This even was refused to me. I ask this Commission that 
this Report be obtained and be added here. 

The above forms a part of the Report, the other part 
being a consideration of the advantages and disadvantages 
of an “ exclusive ” Covenanted Civil Service. With this 
latter part I have nothing to do here. The first part quoted 
above about the admission of Natives into the Covenanted 
Civil Service was never as far as I know published. 

It is a significant fact that the Report of the Public 
Service Commission on the two subjects of the so-called 
“ Statutory” Service and simultaneous examinations being 
in accordance with (what I believe and will show further on) 
the determined foregone conclusions of the Government of 
India and the Secretary of State, was published and is 
being repeatedly used by Government in favour of their 
own proceedings, while the Report of 1860 of the 
Committee of five Members of Council of the Secretary of 
State for India was not only never published by Govern- 
ment as far as I know, but even suppressed in the Return 
made in 1879 on “ Civil Service ” (Return [C. 2376] 1879). 
Even the Public Service Commission has not given, 1 think, 
the Report of 1860. 

No action was taken on this part of the Report of 
1860. This Report was made thirty-seven years ago, and 
even so early as then it was considered, and strongly 
recommended, that simultaneous examinations was the 
only way of redeeming the honour of England and of 
doing justice to India. The Report was suppressed and 
put aside, as it did not suit the views of the Secretary of 
State for India, who himself had appointed the Committee. 

27 


418 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


Thus, the new stage of the Proclamation of 1858, 
with all the hopes and joy it had inspired, began so early 
as 1860 to bs a. grievous disappointment and a dead letter, 
just as dead as the Act of 1833, 

The next stage in this sad story is again a revival of 
hope and joy in a small instalment of justice by a partial 
fulfilment of all the pledges of 1833 and 1858. This was 
a bright spot in the dark history of this question, and the 
name of Sir Stafford Nbrthcote will never be effaced from 
our hearts. 

Sad to say, it was to be again darkened with a dis- 
appointment of a worse character than ever before. On 
August 13th, 1867, the East India Association considered 
the following memorial proposed by me, and adopted it, for 
submission to Sir Stafford Northeote (Lord Iddesleigh), the 
then Secretary of State for India : — 

“ We, the members of the East India Association, beg respect- 
fully to submit that the time has eome when it is desirable to ad- 
mit the Natives of India to a larger share in the administration of 
India than hitherto. 

To you, Sir, it is quite unnecessary to point out the 
justice, necessity, and importance of this step, as in the 
debate in Parliament, on May 24th last, you have pointed 
out this so emphatically and clearly that it is enough for us 
to quote your own noble and statesmanlike sentiments. You 
said : ‘ Nothing could be more wonderful than our Empire 
in India; but we ought to consider on what conditions we hold it 
and how our predecessors hold it. The greatness of the Mogul 
Empire depended upon the liberal policy that was pursued by men 
like Akbar availing themselves of Hindu talent and assistance and 
indentifying themselves as far as possible with the people of 
the country. He thought that they ought to take a lesson from 
such a circumstance, and if they were to do their duty towards 
India they could only discharge that duty by obtaining the assist- 
ance and counsel of all who were great and good in that country. 
It would be absurd in them to say that there was not a large fund 
of statesmanship and ability in the Indian character’ ( Times of 
May 25th, 1867). 

“ With these friendly and just sentiments towards the people 
of India we fully concur, and therefore instead of trespassing any 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


419 


more upon your time, we beg to lay before you our views and 
the best mode of accomplishing the object. 

“We think that the competitive examination for a portion of 
the appointments to the Indian Civil Service should be held in 
India, under such rules and arrangements as you may think proper. 
What portion of the appointments should be thus competed for in 
India we cannot do better than leave to your own judgment. 
After the selection is made in India, by the first examination, we 
think it essential that the selected candidates be required to come 
to England to pass their further examinations with the selected 
candidates of this country. 

u In the same spirit, and with kindred objects in view for the 
general good of India, we would ask you to extend your kind en- 
couragement to Native youths of promise and ability to come to 
England for the completion of their education. We believe that if 
scholarships tenable for five years in this country were to be annu- 
ally awarded by competitive examination in India to Native candi- 
dates between the ages of fifteen and seventeen, some would com- 
pete successfully in England for the Indian Civil Service, while 
others would return in various professions to India, and where by 
degrees they would form an enlightened and unprejudiced class, 
exercising a great and beneficial influence on Native society, and 
constituting a link between the masses of the people and their 
English rulers,* 

In laying before you this memorial we feel assured, and we 
trust that you will also agree with us, that this measure, which has 
now become necessary by the advancement of education in India, 
will promote and strengthen the loyalty of the Natives of India 
to the British rule, while it will also be a satisfaction to the British 
people to have thus by one more instance practically proved its 
desire to advance the condition of their Indian fellow-subjects, 
and to act justly by them. 

u We need not point out to you, Sir, how great an encourage- 
ment these examinations in India will be to education. The great 
prizes of the appointment will naturally increase vastly the desire 
for education among the people,” 

A deputation waited on Sir Stafford Northcote on 21st 
August, 1867, to present the petition. In the course of 
the conversation, Colonel Sykes explained the objects; and 
after some further conversation Sir Stafford. Northcote 
said : — 

“ He had the question under consideration, and had con- 
versed with Sir Herbert Edwards and others on it, and Sir 
Herbert had furnished him with a paper on it. Two plans were 

* This clause was an addition proposed by Sir Herbert Edwards. 


420 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


suggested— the one proposed that appointments should be assigned 
for competition in India, the other that scholarships should be 
given to enable Natives to come to finish their education in 
England. The first would manifestly be the most convenient for 
the Natives themselves ; but it was urged in favour of the second 
that it would secure a more enterprising class than the first — 
jnen with more backbone — and he admitted the force of that. 
Moreover, he quite saw the advantage to India of a more efficient 
class which had had an English training, lie took a very great 
interest in the matter, and was inclined to approve both propo- 
sals. He was corresponding with Sir J. Lawrence and the 
Indian Government on the subject ” ( “ Journal of the East India 
Association, ” Vo!. I., pp. 126-7). 

In 1868, Sir Stafford Northcote, in paragraph 3 of his 
despatch, Revenue No. 10, of 8th of February, 1868, said 
as belovv : — 

“ This is a step in the right direction, of which I cordially 
approve, but it appears to me that there is room for carrying 
out the principle to a considerable extent in the regulation 
provinces also. The Legislature has determined that the 
more important and responsible appointments in those pro- 
vinces shall be administered exclusively by those who are now 
admitted to the public service solely by competition ; but there 
is a large class of appointments in the regulation as well as in 
the non-regulation provinces, some of them scarcely less honour- 
able and lucrative than those reserved by law for the Covenanted 
Civil Service, to which Natives of India have certainly a prefer- 
ential claim, but which, as you seem to admit, have up to this 
time been too exclusively conferred upon Europeans. “ These 
persons, however competent, not having entered the service by 
the prescribed channel, can have no claim upon the patronage of 
the Government, none, at least, that ought to be allowed to 
override the inherent rights of the Natives of the country ; and 
therefore, while all due consideration should be shown to well- 
deserving incumbents, both as regards their present position and 
their promotion, there can be no valid reason why the class of 
appointments which they now hold should not be filled, in future, 
by Natives of ability and high character.” 

I only note this here as what Sir Stafford Northcote 
had prescribed and instructed the Government of India 
for the TJncovenanted Services, but which instructions 
have also been made a dead letter as usual — 1 do not in 
this statement discuss this branch of the subject, viz . , the 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


421 


Uncovenanted Service, except for some short reference to 
some subsequent grievous events. I content myself with 
an expression of the Duke of Argyll on what Sir Erskine 
Perry describes in his “ Memorandum ” addressed to Lord 
Salisbury on 9th December, 1876, as “the vicious prac- 
tice, supposed to be rapidly growing up in India, of 
appointing Englishmen to all the well paid Dncovenanted 
offices.” The Duke of Argyll in his despatch (10th 
March, 1870, Financial) said : — 

“ The principle which her Majesty’s Government steadily 
kept in view throughout the discussion on these furlough rules is, 
that the Un covenanted Service should be principally reserved for 
the Natives of the country, and that superior appointments, which 
require English training and experience, should be made as 
heretofore in England. And they look with great disfavour on 
the system which appears to be growing up in India of appointing 
Englishmen in India to situations that ought only as a rule to be 
filled by civilians by open competition.” 

All suck instructions, as usual, are thwarted by what 
Lora Lytton calls “ subterfuges ” and great ingenuity. 

While Sir Stafford Northcote was considering, matur- 
ing, and preparing to bring into action the petition of the 
East India Association, Mr. Fawcett raised the subject in 
the House of Commons. Referring to simultaneous ex- 
aminations for the Covenanted Service, he said : — 

Hansard, Vol. 191, pp. 1,839-40. 
May 8 th, 1868. 

“ There would be no difficulty in carrying out this plan 

His proposal was that there should be examinations at Calcutta, 
Madras and Bombay, that there should be the same papers and 
the same tests as in London, and the successful candidates, whe- 
ther English or Native, should spend two years in this country. 
To this he had reason to believe, from memorials he had received 
from Calcutta and Bombay, the Natives would not object, though 
they naturally objected to coming over to England in the first in- 
stance without any guarantee of success All they asked for 

was to be subjected to precisely the same trial as the English. 


422 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


.... With reference to their alleged inferiority of character he 
had asked what would be the effect on English character if we, 
having been subjected, were debarred from all but the meanest 
offices of the State. Our civilisation and our literature would be 
destroyed. Nothing would save us from debasement. It was an 
indisputable fact that many Natives competent to govern a Pro- 
vince were fulfilling the humblest duties at salaries less than was 
received by the youngest member of the Indian Civil Service. 
Lord Metcalf had well said that the bane of our system was that 
the advantages were reaped by one class and the work was done 

by another Sir Bartle Frere, in one of his despatches, said 

he had been much struck with the fact that the ablest exponents 
of English policy and our best coadjutors in adapting that policy 
to the wants of the various nations occupying Indian soil were to 
be found among the Natives who had received a high-class Eng- 
lish education.” 


Hansard , Vol. 191, p. 1843. 
May 8 th, 1868. 

Mr. Fawcett moved : — 

“ That this House whilst cordially approving of the system of 
open competition for appointments in the East India Civil Service, 
is of opinion that the people of India have not a fair chance of 
competing for these appointments, as long as the examinations are 
held nowhere but in London ; this House would therefore deem it 
desirable that simultaneously with the examination in London, 
the same examination should be held in Calcutta, Bombay and 
Madras.” 

I may here remark that at this time and till 1876 
the Report of the five Councillors of the India Office of 
1860, which I have given before, was not known to any- 
body outside, and Mr. Fawcett could nob have known any- 
thing about it. 

In the same speech from which a passage is extracted 
in the Memorial of the East India x\ssociation, Sir Stafford 
Northcote has said : — 

“The English Government must necessarily labour under 
great disadvantages, and c we should endeavour’ as far as possible 
to develop the system of Native government, to bring out Native 
talent and statesmanship, and to enlist in the cause of government 
t ]1 that was great and good in them.” 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


423 


The outcome of the petition of the East India Associa 
tion, Mr. Fawcett’s motion, and Sir Stafford Northcote’s 
favourable reception of the petition, was that Sir Stafford 
Northcote introduced a clause in his Bill entitled “ the 
Governor-General of India Bill ” to grant the first prayer 
of the petition ; and the Governor-General, Lord Lawrence/ 
published a Resolution on 30th June, 1868, to grant the 
second prayer of the Memorial, and some scholarships were 
actually commenced to be given. But by a strange fatality 
that pursues everything in the interests of the Indians, 
the scholarships were soon abolished. 

I do not enter into any details of this incident, as it 
affects only in an indirect manner and to a very small ex- 
tent the question I am considering, viz., the admission of 
Indians in the Covenanted Civil Service. 

I revert to the clause introduced by Sir Stafford North- 
cote in 1868. As this clause will come further on in the 
course of correspondence, I do not repeat it here. 

This clause was subsequently passed in 1870, under 
the Duke of Argyll as Secretary of State, who communi- 
cated it to the Government of India by a despatch of 31st 
March, 1870. The Government of India being dilatory, 
as it is generally the misfortune of Indian interests, the 
Duke of Argyll in his despatch of 18th April, 1872, remind- 
ed the Government of India about the rules required by 
the Act, as follows : — 

“ Referring to the 6th section of 33rd Victoria, cap. 3, 1 desire 
to be informed whether your Excellency in Council has prescribed 
the rules which that Act contemplates for the regulation of the 
admission of Natives to appointments “ in the Covenanted Civil 
Service ” who have not been admitted to that service in accordance 
with the provisions of the 32nd section of the 21st and 22nd Vic- 
toria, cap. 106.” 


424 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’s WRITINGS. 


The dilatoriness of the Government of India continu- 
ing, the Duke of Argyll again reminded the Governor- 
General of India in a despatch of 22nd October, 1872 : — 

“ I have not received any subsequent communication from 
your Excellency’s Government on the subject, and therefore con- 
clude that nothing has been done, although I addressed your Gov- 
ernment on the subject on 18th April last.” 

These two reminders were not known to the public 
until a Return was made in 1879 [0 — 2,376]. 

Three years passed after the enactment of the clause, 
and the public not knowing of anything having been done, 
the East India Association felt it necessary to complain to 
the Duke of Argyll on the subject. 

The following is the correspondence between the East 
India Association and Mr. Grant Duff in 1873, giving his 
Grace’s speech, and a brief account of the events from 1867 
to 1873:— 


“ East India Association, 

“ 20, Great George Street, Westminster, London. 

“ September, 1873. 

To M. E. Grant Duff, Esq., M.P., Under- Secretary of State for 
India , India, Office. 

“ Sir, — B y the direction of the Council of the East India 
Association, I have to request you to submit this letter for the 
kind consideration of liis Grace the Secretary of State for India. 

“ On the 21st August, 1867, this Association applied to 
Sir Stafford Northcote, the then Secretary of State for India, 
asking that the competitive examination for a portion of the 
appointments to the Indian Civil Service should be held in 
India, under such rules and arrangements as he might think 
proper, and expressing an opinion that, after the selection had 
been made in India by the first examination, it was essential that 
the- selected candidates should be required to come to England 
to pass their further examinations with the selected candidates 
for this country. 

“ Sir Stafford Northcote soon after introduced a clause in 
the Bill he submitted to Parliament, entitled ‘ The Governor- 
Gen eral of India Bill.’ 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


425 


“ The enactment of this Eill continued in abeyance, until, 
under the auspices of his Grace the present Secretary of State, 
it became law on the 25th March, 1870. as ‘ East India (Laws and 
Regulations) Act.’ Moving the second reading of the Bill on the 
11th March, 1869, his Grace, in commenting upon clause 6, in a 
candid and generous manner made an unreserved acknowledg- 
ment of past failures of promises, non-fulfilment to an adequate 
extent, as follows 

“ ‘ I now come to a clause— the 6th— which is one of very 
great importance involving some modification in our practice, and 
in the principles of our legislation “ as regards the Civil Service 
in India.” Its object is to set free the hands of the Governor- 
General, under such restrictions asid regulations as may be 
agreed to by the Government at home, “ to select, for the Coven- 
anted Service of India, Natives of that country ”, although they 
may not have gone through the competitive examination in this 
country. It may be asked how far this provision is consistent 
with the measures adopted by Parliament for securing efficiency 
in that service ; but there is a previous and, in my opinion, a 
much more important question which 1 trust will be considered — 
how far this provision is essential to enable us to perform our 
duties and fulfil our pledges and professions towards the people 
of India 

“ 6 With regard, however, “ to the employment of Natives in 
the government of their country in the Covenanted Service ” 
formerly of the Company, and now of the Crown, I must say that 
we have not fulfilled our duty, or the promises and engagements 
which we have made. 

“ ‘ In the Act of 1833 this declaration was solemnly put forth 
by the Parliament of England : “ And be it enacted that no 

Native of the said territories, nor any natural-born subject of 
his Majesty resident therein, shall, by reason only of his religion, 
place of birth, descent, colour, or any of them, be disabled from 
holding anyplace, office, or employment under the said Company.” 

“ ‘ Now, I well remember that in the debates in this House 
in 1853, when the renewal of the Charter was under the consider- 
ation of Lord Aberdeen’s Government, my late noble friend Lord 
Monteagle complained, and I think with great force, that while 
professing to open every office of profit and employment under 
the Company or the Crown to the Natives of India, we practically 
excluded them by laying down regulations as to fitness which we 
knew Natives could never fulfil. If the only door of admission 
to the Civil Service of India is a competitive examination carried 
on in London, what chance or what possibility is there of Natives 
of India acquiring that fair share in the administration of their 
own country which their education and abilities would enable 
them to fulfil, and therefore entitle them to possess ? I have 


426 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’s WRITINGS. 


always felt that the regulations laid down for the competitive 
examinations rendered nugatory the declaration of the Act of 
1833 ; and so strongly has this been felt of late years by the 
Government of India that various suggestions have been made 
to remedy the evil. One of the very last — which, however, has 
not yet been finally sanctioned at home, and respecting which I 
must sav there are serious doubts — has been suggested by Sir 
John Lawrence, who is now about to approach our shores, and 
who is certainly one of the most distinguished men who have 
ever wielded the destinies of our Indian Empire. The palliative 
which he proposes is that nine scholarships— nine scholarships 
for a Government of upwards of 180,000,000 of people ! — should 
be annually at the disposal for certain Natives, selected partly 
by competition and partly with reference to their social rank and 
position, and that these nine scholars should be sent home with a 
salary of £200 a year each, to compete with the whole force of 
the British population seeking admission through the competitive 
examinations. Now, in the first place, I would point out the 
utter inadequacy of the scheme to the ends of the case. To 
speak of nine scholarships distributed over the whole of India 
as any fulfilment of our pledges or obligations to the Natives 
would be a farce. I will not go into details of the scheme, as 
they are still under consideration ; but I think it is by no means 
expedient to lay down as a principle that it is wholly useless to 
require Natives seeking employment in our Civil Service to see 
something of English society and manners. It is true that 
in the new schools and colleges they pass most distin- 
guished examinations, and as far as books can teach them, 
are familiar with the history and constitution of this 
country ; but there are some offices with regard to which it would 
be a most important, if not an essential, qualification that the 
young men appointed to them should have s*een something of the 
actual working of the English constitution, and should have been 
impressed by its working, as any one must be who resides for 
any time in this great political society. Under any new regulations 
which may be made under this clause, it will, therefore, be 
expedient to provide that Natives appointed to certain places shall 
have some personal knowledge of the working of English institu- 
tions. I would, however, by no means make this a general condi- 
tion, for there are many places in the Covenanted Service of 
India for which Natives are perfectly competent, without the 
necessity of visiting this country ; and I believe that by competitive 
examinations conducted at Calcutta, or even by pure selection, it 
will be quite possible for the Indian Government to secure able, 
excellent, and efficient administrators. 

“ The clause thus introduced, in a mariner worthy of an 
English generous-minded nobleman, and passed into law, is as 
follows : — 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


427 


“ ‘ 6. Whereas it is expedient that additional facilities 
should be given “ for the employment of Natives of India, of proved 
merit and ability, in the Civil Service of her Majesty in India, ” 
be it enacted that noting in the “ Act for the Government of India,” 
twenty-one and twenty-two Victoria, chapter one hundred and 
six, or in the “ Act to confirm certain appointments in India, 
and to amend the law concerning the Civil Service there, ” twenty- 
four and twenty-five Victoria, chapter fifty-four, or in any other 
Act of Parliament, or other law now in force in India, shall 
restrain the authorities in India by whom appointments are 
or may be made to offices, places, and employments “ in the 
Civil Service of her Majesty in India, ” from appointing any 
Native of India to any such office, place, or employment al- 
though such Native shall not have been admitted to the said 
Civil Service of India in manner in section thirty-two of the 
first-mentioned Act provided, but subject to such rules as may 
be from time to time prescribed by the Governor-General in 
Council, and sanctioned by the Secretary of State in Council, 
with the concurrence of a majority of members present; and 
that, for the purpose of this Act, the words “ Natives of India ” 
shall include any person born and domiciled within the dominions 
of her Majesty in India, of parents habitually resident in India, 
and not established there for temporary purposes only ; and that 
it shall be lawful for the Govern or- General in Council to define 
and limit from time to time the qualification of Natives of India 
thus expressed ; provided that every resolution made by him for 
such purpose shall be subject to the sanction of the Secretary of 
State in Council, and shall not have force until it has been laid 
for thirty days before both Houses of Parliament.’ 

“ It is now more than three years since this clause has been 
passed, but the Council regret to find that no steps have ap- 
parently yet been taken by his Excellency the Viceroy to frame 
the rules required by it, so that the Natives may obtain the due 
fulfilment of the liberal promise made by his Grace. 

“ The Natives complain that, had the enactment referred to 
the interests of the English community, no such long and un- 
reasonable delay would have taken place, but effect would have 
been given to the Act as quickly as possible, “ and they further 
express a fear that this promise may also be a dead-letter.'^ 

“ The Council, however, fully hope that further loss of time 
will not be allowed to take place in promulgating the rules re- 
quired by the A ct. The Natives, after the noble and generous 
language used by his Grace, naturally expect that they will not 
be again doomed to disappointment, and most anxiously look 
forward to the promulgation of the rules — to give them, in some 

^ To our misfortune and to the dishonour of the authorities* 
it has been made a dead letter. 


428 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


systematic manner, ‘ that fair share in the administration of their 
own country which their education and abilities would enable 
them to fulfil, and therefore entitle them to possess,’ not only as a 
political justice, but also as a national necessity, for the advance- 
ment of the material and moral condition of the country. 

“ I remain, Sir, your obedient Servant, 

“ W. C. Palmer, Capt. 

“ Acting Honorary Secretary of the East India Association .” 

“ India Office, London, 
October 10 th, 1873. 

" Sir, — I am directed by the Secretary of State for India in 
Council to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 2nd 
October, relative to the provisions of the 33rd Victoria cap. 3, 
section 6 ; and to inform you that the subject is understood to be 
under the consideration of the Government of India, the attention 
of which has been twice called to it. 

“ 2. The Duke of Argyll in Council will send a copy of your 
letter to the Governmeut of India, and again request the early 
attention of that authority to that subject. 

“ I am, Sir, your obedient Servant, 

“ (Sd.) M. E. Grant Duff. 

“ The Acting Honorary Secretary, 

East India Association .” 

Such is the candid confession of non-performance of 
duty and non-fulfilment of solemn pledges for thirty-six 
years, and the renev/ed pledge to make amends for past 
failures and provide adequate admission for the future for 
at least some share in the administration of our own 
country. The inadequacy is clearly shown by the ridicule 
of nine scholarships for 180,000,000 souls, and the pro- 
posal to adopt means for the abolition of the monopoly of 
Europeans. When was this confession and this new pledge 
made ? It was to pass the 6th clause of Act 33 Vic., cap. 
3. The clause was passed on 25th March, 1870, one year 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


429 


after the above speech was made, and nearly three years 
after it was first proposed. Twice did Sir C. Wingfield 
ask questions in the House of Commons, and no satisfactory 
reply was given. At last the East India Association 
addressed the letter which I have given above to the India 
Office, and from the reply it will be seen how slow our 
Indian authorities had been, so as to draw three reminders 
from the Secretary of State. 

With regard to the remark in the letter as to the com- 
plaint of the Natives that, “ had the enactment referred to 
the interests of the English community, no such long and 
unreasonable delay would haA^e taken place,” I need simply 
point to the fact of the manner in which the Coopers Hill 
College was proposed and carried out promptly and with no 
difficulty raised, as is always raised against Indian interests. 

In 1879, the India Office made a Return [C — 2,376] 
on the (“ Civil Service ”). In this Return, after the des- 
patch of the Secretary of State tor India of 22nd October, 
1872, no information is given till the Government of 
India’s despatch of May 2nd, 1878. 

In this Return, as I have said already, the Report of 
the Committee of the five members of the Council of the 
Secretary of State of 1860, recommending that simultaneous 
examinations was the only fair way of redeeming the 
honour of the British name and doing justice to the 
Indians, was suppressed. There is a despatch of the 
Government of India of 1874, which Sir E. Perry in bis 
memorandum describes as follows : — 

“Nearly two years afterwards (20th August, No. 31 of 1874) 
the Government of India replied to this despatch, transmitting 
rules, but noticing very jejunely the principal question raised by 
his Grace. Rules were finally suggested for adoption by the Secre- 
tary of State, those originally transmitted being deemed by him , 


430 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


under legal advice, to place too narrow a construction on the 
statute ” (Public Despatch to India, No, 131 of 20th of August, 
1874). 

These documents also have no place in the Return. 
Who knows what other inconvenient documents also may 
have not appeared. This is always the difficulty in Indian 
matters for Indian interests. The public can never know 
the whole truth. The Government put forward only such 
information as they like, and the public is left in the dark, 
so as not to be in a position to judge rightly. The way of 
the Indian authorities is first to ignore any Act or Resolu- 
tion of Parliament or Report of any Committee or Com- 
mission in favour of Indian interests. If that is not 
enough, then to delay replies. If that does not answer, 
then openly resist, and by their persistence carry their own 
point unless a strong Secretary of State prevents it. But, 
unfortunately, to expect a strong and just Secretary of 
State on behalf of Indian interests is a rare good fortune of 
India, because he changes so often and is mostly in the 
hands of the Anglo-Indian members of his Council and 
other Anglo-Indian officials of the India Office. If any 
Committee or Commission really want to know the whole 
truth, they must do what the Committee of 1772 did — to 
have “ every ” document on the subject under consideration 
to be produced before them. What an exposure that Com- 
mittee of 1772 made of the most outrageous, most corrupt, 
and most tyrannical misconduct of the Government and 
officials of the day. 

I may also mention that the despatch of the Duke of 
Argyll (10 March, 1870, Financial), to which I have already 
referred, has also not been given in the Return. 

Of course, I am not surprised at these suppressions. 
It is our fate, and the usual ways of a despotic regime. 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


431 


But why I mention this is that the public are misled and 
are unable to know the true state of a case in wich Indian 
interests are involved ; the public cannot evolve these sup- 
pressions from their inner consciousness. 

And still the outside public and the non-official wit- 
nesses are sometimes blamed for not supplying criticisms on 
the statements made by the officials of Government ! 

Again, there is the despatch of Lord Salisbury of 10th 
February, 1876, not given in the Return. Sir E. Perry, 
referring to this despatch, says : — 

“ Lord Salisbury decided the matter once for all in his despa* eh 
of 10th February, 1876, Financial, in which he quoted the Duke 
of Argyll’s despatch of 1870 (Supra), and after stating that he 
concurred in the views thus expressed, he proceeded to lay down 
precise rules by which the appointment of Englishmen in India to 
the higher Uneovenanted offices should in future be restricted.” 

Now, 1 cannot say whether all these suppressed docu- 
ments were satisfactory or not, or whether they are pub- 
lished in some other place; but when the India Office 
omits such information in a Return on the subject itself, 
what are we to do? And if we criticise upon imperfect 
information, the authorities come down upon us denounc- 
ing in all sorts of ways for our wrong statements, exag- 
gerations, inaccuracies, and what not. 

The next despatch that the Return gives is that of 
the Government of India of 2nd May, 1878. It was in 
connexion with this dispatch that Loid Lytton wrote a 
note dated 30th May . In this note he had the courage to 
expose the whole character of the conduct of Indian 
authorities in both countries since the passing of the Act 
of 1833, denouncing that conduct as consisting of deliber- 
ate, transparent subterfuges, and dishonourable, as mak- 
ing promises to the ear and breaking them to the 


432 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


hope. Here are Lord Lytton’s own words, referring to 
the Act of 1833 : — 

“The Act of Parliament is so undefined, and indefinite obliga- 
tions on the part of the Government of India towards its Native 
subjects are so obviously dangerous, that no sooner was the Act 
passed than the Government “ began to devise means for practi- 
cally evading the fulfilment of it ” Under the terms of Act which 
are studied and laid to heart by that increasing class of educated 
Natives whose development the Government encourages, without 
being able to satisfy the aspirations of its existing members, every 
such Native if once admitted to Government employment in posts 
previously reserved to the Covenanted Service is entitled to ex- 
pect and claim appointment in the fair course of promotion to 
the highest post in that service. 

“We ail know that these claims and expectations never can 
or will be fulfilled. We have had to choose between prohibiting 
them and cheating them : and we have chosen the last straight- 
forward course. The application to Natives of the competitive 
examination system as conducted in England, and the recent 
reduction in the age at which candidates can compete, are all 
so many deliberate and transparent subterfuges for stultifying 
the Act and reducing it to a dead letter. Since I am writing 
confidentially I do not hesitate to say that both the Governments 
of England and of India appear to me, up to the present moment, 
unable to answer satisfactorily the charge of having taken every 
means in their power of breaking to the heart the words of pro- 
mise they had uttered to the ear.” 

I admire the English candour and courage with which 
this humiliating confession is made. But I protest that 
so far as the people, the Parliament and the Sovereign are 
concerned, it is an injustice to them to put the dishonour 
and the disgrace of subterfuges to their charge. Ic is a 
libel upon the statesmen of 1833, that they said so many 
deliberate falsehoods intentionally when they contended 
for the justification of the clause for equality in such 
noble and generous and English spirit and terms. It is a 
gross libel on the Sovereign and the people of this country 
that the Proclamation of 1858, so solemnly promulgated, 
calling God to witness and to help, was all hypocrisy, an 
intentional mockery and delusion. I protest against this 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


433 


assumption. The truth I believe to be is that the 
Sovereign, the Parliament and the people of this country 
sincerely meant what they said — but that their servants, 
the executive authorities in both countries, uncon- 
trollable and free to follow their own devices in their 
original spirit of selfishness and oppression with which 
they commenced their rule in India, frustrated the highest 
and noblest desires of the Sovereign and the people by 
“ deliberate and transparent subterfuges to attain their 
own selfish ends ” — which on one occasion an Anglo-Indian 
very naively confessed in these remarkable words. In a 
debat at the Society of Arts, 19th February, 1892, upon 
Siam, Sir Charles Crossthwaite said : — 

“ The real question was who was to get the trade with them 
and how we could make the most of them so as to find fresh 
markets for our goods and “ also employment for those superfluous 
articles of the present day,” our boys." So the whole reason of 
the existence of the world is market for British capitalists and 
employment for “ our boys" 

In India, this greed for the monopolising of profits of 
trade, and of the employment of “ our boys,” is the chief 
key to the system of all the actions of an unsympathetic, 
selfish rule as it is at present made by the executive author- 
ities. Not that it need be so. A righteous system 
can be adopted, as many a statesman has declared, by which 
both England and India may be blessed and benefited, and 
for which purpose the Indians have been crying all along 
in the wilderness. Let the saddle of the present evil sys- 
tem be on the right horse. The Sovereign, the Parlia- 
ment and the people have done all that could be desired. 
The only misfortune is that they do not see to their noble 
wishes and orders being carried out, and leave their ser- 
vants to “ bleed” India of all that is most dear and neces- 
sary to the human existence and advancement-wealth 
28 


434 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


wisdom and work — material and moral prosperity. Re. 
verting to Lord Lytton’s true confession, that the execu- 
tives have “ cheated” and “ subterfuged,” frustrated and 
dishonoured all Acts and Resolutions of Parliament and 
the most solemn Proclamations of the Sovereign, one 
would think that after such confessions some amends will 
be made by a more honourable course. Far from it. This 
despatch of 2nd May, 1878, will remain one of the darkest 
sections in this sad story, instead of any contrition or re- 
paration for the past evil. 

What did the Government propose in this despatch ? 
To destroy everything that is dearest to the Indian heart — 
his two great Charters of 1833 and 1858, the Act of a 
partial justice of 1870 — to murder in. cold blood the whole 
political existence of equality of Indians as British citizens 
which — at least by law, if not by deed or action of the 
authorities — they possessed, and make them the pariahs 
of the high public service. 

Mark ! by the Act of 1870, the Indians were to have 
a distinct proportion of appointments (which was fixed by 
the Government of India to be about one-fifth, or about 7 
every year) in the Covenanted Civil Service — which meant 
that in the course of 25 to 30 years, the duration of the 
service of each person, there would gradually be about 180 
to 200 Indians admitted into the Covenanted Civil Service. 
This was most a bitter pill for the Anglo-Indians, official 
and non-official, to swallow. The Government resorted to 
every subterfuge to ignore and with passive resistance to 
make the Act a dead letter. This not succeeding, they de- 
liberately proposed to throw aside all Acts, Resolutions, 
and Proclamations — all pledges and laws of equality — and 
to establish a “ close Native Civil Service that is to say 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


435 


to deprive the Natives once and for ever of any claim to 
the whole higher Covenanted Services, and by law be shut 
up in a lazaretto of a miserable close service. 

And what was to be this close service? Not even to 
the extent to which the Act of 1870 led to the hope of the 
share in the Covenanted Civil Service — but only to pro- 
pose to assign certain fixed appointments now held by the 
Covenanted Service, and to rob the Uncovenanted Service 
of some of their appointments to cast them into this ser- 
vice ; that is to say, in reality to make a “ pariah” service 
of a small number of Covenanted Service employments — 
about 90 or so (the Uncovenanted being already the 
Indian’s own) — in place of what the Act of 1870 would 
have entitled them, to the extent of 180 or more, and to 
be eligible to the whole Covenanted Service employments ; 
and what is still worse, and exhibits the inner spirit, that 
even this miserable so-called “ close” service was not to be 
entirely reserved for the Indians, but, as I understand, 
a door is left open for Europeans also to get into it. 
And still more, the Government of India so mercilessly 
wanted to put the badge and stamp of inferiority 
and exclusion upon the Indians at large and rob 
them of their only consolation, their only hope and charter, 
that they already possessed by law and by pledges, 
of equality of British citizenship with the British subjects 
of this country. But there is something still worse : the 
Government, cooly proposed not only not to give them 
simultaneous examinations in India, but to deprive them 
even of the right they now possess of competing for the 
Covenanted Service in this country itself. 

Were the Government of India gone mad ? The 
Government of India, said, in cold blood, that ‘‘the 


436 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


ordinary Covenanted Civil Service should no longer be 
open to Natives thus proposing insidiously that the Acts 
of 1833 and 1870 and the Proclamation should be thrown 
to the winds. So these Acts and the Proclamations of the 
Sovereign upon which hangs all our devoted loyalty, all 
our hopes and aspirations (though in all conscience most 
mercilessly disregarded) all that is at all good and great in 
the British name in India, all that is to be swept away by 
a new un-British and tyrannical legislation ! The whole 
despatch is so distressful, so full of false blandishments, 
that I cannot venture to say anything more about it. The 
wonder is that on the one hand Lord Lytton exposes the 
“ subterfuges ” and dishonour of the Executive, and him- 
self and his colleagues sign such a despatch of 2nd May, 
1878, And what is still more curious is this ; about 
seventeen months before this despatch, on 1st January, 
1877, at the Delhi Assemblage, on the assumption of the 
title of Empress of India, Lord Lytton on behalf of her 
Majesty said : — 

“ But you the Natives of India, whatever your race 
and whatever your creed, have a recognised claim to share 
largely with your English fellow-subjects according to 
your capacity for the task, in the administry of the country 
you inhabit. This claim is founded on the highest justice. 
It has been repeatedly affirmed by British and Indian 
statesmen and by the legislation of the Imperial Parlia- 
ment. It is recognised by the Government of India as 
binding on its honour and consistent with all the aims of 
its policy and all such “ highest justice ” and all this 
“ binding on honour ” ended in this extraordinary despatch 
of 2nd May, 1878 ! It is the most dismal page in the whole 
melancholy affair about the Covenanted Service. 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 437 


But the further misfortune is that since the despatch 
of 2nd May, 1878, the whole heart and soul of the Govern- 
ment is directed in the spirit of the despatch, and though 
they have not attempted to alter legislation, they have by 
persistence and devices most ingeniously carried out their 
own object, and made the Acts of 1833 and 1870, and the 
great Proclamations, mere shams and delusions. With 
trumpet tongues they have proclaimed to the world that 
the miserable “ close service ” was an extraordinary and 
generous concession, when in reality we are plundered of 
what we already possessed by the Act cf 1870, and our 
political position is reduced to the condition of political 
pariahs. 

I do not enter here into a discussion of the un-English 
and subtle procedure by which we are deprived of the so- 
called “ statutory service,” which had secured for us no 
less than a complete and free admission into the whole 
Covenanted Civil Service, to the number which had been 
at the time considered for a beginning as a fair proportion 
of about one-sixth or one-fifth of the total number of this 
service. 

There is one other important reason why I do not 
pursue any more the criticisms upon this despatch. The 
Secretary of State himself found it impossible to swallow 
it, summarily disposed of its fallacies, hollowness, brushed 
it aside, and insisted upon carrying out the Act of 1870. 

Now before going further, I have to request the Com- 
mission to bear in mind that the Government of India had, 
by this despatch, most earnestly and laboriously committed 
themselves to a “ close Native service,*’ and it will be seen 
that they bided their time and left no stone unturned, by 
any means whatever, to attain ultimately their object. 


438 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


As I have said above, Lord Cranbrook, the then 
Secretary of State, would not swallow the preposterous 
despatch, and put down his foot against such openly violat- 
ing all honourable and solemn pledges of the Sovereign 
and Acts of Parliament. 

Lord Cranbrook in his despatch of 7th November^ 
1878, said in reply : — 

“ 6. But your proposal of a close Native service with a limited 
class of high appointments attached to it, and your suggestions 
that the Covenanted Civil Service should no longer be open to 
Natives, involve an application to Parliament which would have no 
prospect of success, and which I certainly would not undertake. 
Your lordship has yourself observed that no scheme would have a 
chance of sanction which included legislation for the purpose of 
repealing the clause in the Act of 1833 above quoted, and the 
obstacles which would be presented against any attempt to exclude 
Natives from public competition for the Civil Service would be 
little less formidable. 

“ 10. It is, therefore, quite competent to your lordship’s 
Government to appoint every year to the Civil Service of India 
any such number of Natives as may be determined upon, and the 
number of Covenanted civilians sent out from this country will 
have to be proportionately decreased. The appointments should, 
in the first instance, be only probationary, so as to give ample 
time for testing the merit and ability of the candidates. 

“ 11. It appears to me that the advantages of such a simple 
scheme will be obvious: — 

“(i) It will undoubtedly be much more popular with the 
Natives, as it will place them on a footing of social equality with 
the Covenanted civilian. 

“ (ii) Inasmuch as it will exclude no civilian at present in 
India from any office which he has a moral claim to expect, it will 
avoid any clashing with the vested interests of the Civil Service. 

“ (iii) It will avoid the necessity of any enhancement of salar- 
ies of Uncovenanted officers which is now proposed, not because 
such enhancement is necessary, but from the necessity of creating 
a class of well-paid appointments to form sufficient prizes for a 
close Native service. 

“ And lastly, it pursues the same system of official training 
which has proved so eminently successful in India.” 

Thus foiled in the monstrous attempt to inflict upon 
tbe Indians the most serious political disaster, the Govern- 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


43 9> 


ment of India whined and lay low to wait their opportun- 
ity, and as compelled, and with bad grace, made the re- 
quired rules one year after the despatch of 2nd May, 1878. 

With their despatch of 1st May, 1879, the Govern- 
ment of India sent the rules, and explained in para. 8 of 
the despatch the proportion of Indians they proposed to 
select : 

“ The proposed statutory rules, in brief, provide that a pro- 
portion not exceeding one-sixth of all the recruits added to the 
Civil Service in any one year shall be Natives selected in India by 
the local Governments.” 

I give here the rules proposed : 

“No. 18. 

“Rules for the Appointment of Natives of India to offices 

ordinarily held by members of her Majesty’s Covenanted Civil 

Service in India. 

“ In exercise of the power conferred by the Statute 33 Viet., 
cap. 3, section 6, the Governor-General in Council has been pleased 
to make the following rules, which have been sanctioned by the 
Secretary of State in Council with the concurrence of a majority 
of members present : — 

“1. — Each Local Government may nominate persons who are 
Natives of India within the meaning of the said Act, for employ- 
ment in her Majesty’s Covenanted Civil Service in India within 
the territories subordinate to such Government. Such nominations 
shall be made not later than the first day of October in each year. 
No person shall be nominated for employment in the said service 
after he has attained the age of twenty-five years, except on 
grounds of merit and ability proved in the service of Government, 
or in the practice of a profession. 

“ II. — Nominations under the foregoing rule shall, if approved 
by the Governor-General in Council, be provisionally sanctioned 
by him. The total number of nominations so sanctioned in any 
year shall not exceed one-fifth of the total number of recruits 
appointed by her Majesty’s Secretary of State to the said service 
in such year ; provided that the total number of such nominations 
sanctioned in each of the year 1879, 1880, and 1881 may exceed 
the said proportion by two. On sanction being given by the 
Governor-General in Council, the nominee shall be admitted on 
probation to employment in the said service ; such admission may 
be confirmed by the Governor-General in Council but shall not 
be so confirmed until the Local Government have reported to the 
Governor-General in Council that the probationer has acquitted 


440 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


himself satisfactorily during a period of not less than two years 
from the date of his admission, and that he has, unless specially 
exempted by the Governor-General in Council, passed such ex- 
aminations as may from time to time be prescribed by the 
Local Government subject to the approval of the Governor- 
General in Council. In case of persons admitted under 
these rules after they have attained the age of twenty-five years, 
the Governor-General in Council may confirm their admission 
without requiring them to serve for any period of probation. 

“ III. — Persons admitted under these rules to employment in 
the said service shall not, without the previous sanction of the 
Governor-General in Council in each ease, be appointed to any 
of the undermentioned offices, namely : — 

“ Members of a Board of Revenue. 

“ Secretaries to the several Governments and Administrations 
in India. 

“ Chief Magisterial, or Chief Revenue, Officers of Districts. 

“Commissioners of Division, or of Revenue. 

“ IV. — Persons admitted under these rules to employment in 
the said service shall ordinarily be appointed only to offices in the 
province wherein they were first admitted. But the Governor- 
General in Council may transfer from one province to another a 
person finally admitted to employment in the said service. 

“ V. — Any person admitted under these rules may, with the 
previous sanction of the Governor-General in Council, be de- 
clared by the Local Government to be disqualified for further 
employment in the said service.” 

Two comments suggest themselves with regard to these 
rules — when read with the light that the Government of 
India’s whole heart was in the “close Native service” — 
and that, therefore, to carry out loyally the Act of 1870 
was naturally against their grain. 

At the very beginning they began to nibble at the 
Statute of 1870 and proposed in Rule I IT. not to put 
Natives on the same footing with Europeans with regard 
to all high offices. On this unworthy device I need not 
comment, as the Secretary of State himself struck out this 
Rule III. without much ceremony. 

Now, whether intentionally or unintentionally, the 
rules had been so framed that had the Government of 
India sat down to devise the most effective means of bring- 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


441 


ing discredit and failure on the service under the Act of 
1870, they could not have done better or worse than these 
rules. These Indian civilians were to be the colleagues 
of and to do the duties with the best educated and severely 
tested (educationally, physically, and morally) English 
youths. Particular care was taken not to prescribe any 
systematic compulsory rules for such high test and for 
obtaining recruits worthy of being included in such a 
highly trained service as the Convenanted Civil Service, of 
which these Indians were to be an integral part and in 
which service they were to be exactly on the same footing 
as English civilians. This was the crux and spirit of the 
whole matter ; the rules simply made the matter one of 
patronage and back-door influence. It needs no stretch of 
the imagination to see that such a course could lead only 
to one result, as it has always done, viz., failure. It was 
absurd to expect that such Indian civilians sould prove as 
successful and efficient as the English civilians so well 
prepared. This was the first covert blow given by the 
Government of India at the very birth of the operation of 
the Act of 1870, and unfortunately Lord Cranbrook did 
not see this ingenious device. 

The Commission can hardly realise the intensity of 
the gratitude of the Indians to Sir Stafford Northcote for 
proposing, and the Duke of Argyll for passing, the clause 
in the Act of 1870, and not less intense was their gratitude 
to Lord Cranbrook and to Sir Erskine Perry who co- 
operated with him, for the determination with which Lord 
Cranbrook overcame all strenuous opposition and the 
blandishments of the Government of India of their own 
good-will and justice to the Indians ; and he compelled 
that Government to give effect to the Act of 1870. 


442 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


The clause was at last given effect to, though with 
great reluctance and under compulsion, after ten long 
years. This is generally the case. For all Indian interests 
the officials always require long and most careful and most 
mature consideration, till by lapse of time the question 
dies. Under Lord Cranbrook this clause had better 
fortune, but only to end in utter and more bitter dis- 
appointment to the Indians, and to add one more dishonour 
to the British name. The first appointments under the 
clause, though after a delay of ten years, again infused a 
new life of loyalty and hope in the justice of the British 
people, throughout the length and breadth of India. It 
was a small instalment, but it was a practical instalment, 
and the first instalment of actual justice. And it was 
enough, for an ever disappointed and unjustly treated 
people, to rejoice, and more so for the future hope of 
more justice and of righteous rule, little foreseeing to 
what bitter disappointment they were to be doomed in 
the course of the next ten years ! The first appointments 
were made under the rules in 1880. Now, we come to the 
next melancholy stage. 

The immediate development of the compulsion on the 
Government of India to carry out the clause of 1870 — 
coupled with the fear of the possible effect of the despatch 
of Sir Stafford Northcote of 8th February, 1868, to res- 
trict employment of Europeans to those only who pass the 
examination here, and to insist upon the inherent rights 
of the Indians to all appointments — was to produce a 
sullenness of feeling and great vexation among the Anglo- 
Indian body generally (with, of course, honourable and 
noble exceptions). 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


44a 


I do not enter, as I have already said, upon the latter 
question of the Uncovenanted Service. I mention it here 
simply because it added to the anger of the Anglo-Indians 
against the noble policy of men like Sir Stafford Northcote* 
I confine myself to the said story about the admission of 
Indians in the Covenanted Civil Service. 

Well, the so-called “ statutory ” service was launched 
in 1880. It was called by a distinctive name “ statutory’ r 
as if the whole Covenanted Service was not also a “ sta- 
tutory ” service, and as if the clause of 1870 was not 
simply for full admission into the whole Covenanted Ser- 
vices. But what is in a name ? The Government of India 
knew the value of creating and giving a distinct name to 
the service so that they may with greater ease kill it aa 
a separate service ; and at last, kill it they did. The 
Anglo-Indians, official and non-official, were full charged 
with sullenness and anger, and with the spark of the 
“ Ilbert Bill ” the conflagration burst out. 

Here I may point out how shrewdly Lord Salisbury, 
while fully approving the clause of 1870, had prophesied 
the coming storm. On the debate on the clause in 1870* 
Lord Salisbury had said : — 

“ Another most important matter is the admission of Natives 
to employments under the Government of India. I think the plan 
of the noble duke contained in this Bill is, I believe, the most 
satisfactory solution of a very difficult question.” 

And after so fully accepting the clause, he said : — 

“ One of the most serious dangers you have to guard against 
is the possibility of jealousy arising from the introduction of 
Natives into the service.” 

Owing to this jealousy ten years elapsed before any 
action was taken on the Act of 1870, and that even under 
compulsion b} r Lord Cranbrook. Before three years after 
this effect was given to the clause, Lord Salisbury’s pro- 


444 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


phecy was fulfilled. Explosion burst out over the Ilbert 
Bill. 

I cannot enter here into the various phases of the 
excitement on that occasion, the bitter war that raged for 
some time against Indian interests. I content myself with 
some extracts from the expression of Lord Hartington 
(the Duke of Devonshire) upon the subject. It clearly 
proves the action of the jealousy of the Anglo-Indians. 
Lord Hartington said (speech, House of Commons, August 
23, 1883) 

“ It may by some be thought sufficient to say, that the Anglo- 
Indian, whatever may be his merits, and no doubt they are great, 
is not a person who is distinguished by an exceptionally calm 
judgment.” 

Hansard, Vol. 283, p. 1818. 

August 23rd 1883. 

“ I could quote passages in letters in the Indian papers in 
which it is admitted that the agitation was directed against the 
policy of the Home Government in providing appointments for 
Native civilians while there are many Europeans without appoint- 
ments I believe that the cause of the prevalent ex- 

citement is to be found, not in this measure, but in the general 
course of policy that has been pursued both by this Government 
and the late Government. It has been the policy of Governments 
for some years past to impress upon the Government of India 
the desirability of obtaining the assistance of the Native popu- 
lation as far as possible in the government of that country. Over 
and over again that policy has been inculcated from home. In 
1879, a resolution was passed which limited appointments of the 
value of Rs. 200 a month to officers of the army and to Natives. 
That restriction has been rigidly enforced, and has met with “ all 
kinds of opposition from non-official classes of Europeans, who 
think that all the appointments must be reserved for them.” The 
same spirit was shown when it was determined that ad- 
mission to the Engineering College at Roorki should be con- 
fined to Natives Agitation of the same character 

has been seen before when there was just as little founda- 
tion for it. Lord Macaulay. Lord Canning, and other Anglo- 
Indian statesmen experienced the same kind of opposition from 
Anglo-Indians ; but all these reproaches have recoiled, not against 
the statesmen with regard to whom they were uttered, but against 

the persons uttering them themselves 

“There is a further reason, in my opinion, why this policy should 
be adopted, and that is that it is not wise to educate the people ot 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


445 


India, to introduce among them your civilisation and your pro- 
gress and your literature, and at the same time to tell them they 
shall never have any chance of taking any part or share in the 
administration of the affairs of their country, except by their get- 
ting rid, in the first instance, of their European rulers. Surely, it 

would not be wise to tell a patriotic Native of India that 

“ Whether difference of opinion there may be, there can, in 
my opinion, be very little doubt that India is insufficiently govern- 
ed at the present time. I believe there are many districts in India 
in which the number of officials is altogether insufficient, and that 
is owing to the fact that the Indian revenue would not bear the 
strain if a sufficient number of Europeans were appointed. The 
Government of India cannot afford to spend more than they do in 
the administration of the country, “ and if the country is to be 
better governed that can only be done by the employment of the 
best and most intelligent of the Natives in the service.” 

It was on this occasion that Lord Salisbury made the 
confession that all the pledges, proclamations, and Acts to 
which Lord Northbrook bad referred was all “ political 
hypocrisy.” The reasons which Lord Salisbury assigned 
were not accurate, but I cannot strike off into a new con- 
troversy now. It is enough for me to say that, as I have 
already said, I protest against placing this “ hypocrisy ” at 
the door of the people, Parliament, and Sovereign of this 
country. It lies on the head of the servants, the executives 
in both countries. It is they who would ruin the Empire 
by their “ hypocrisy ” and selfishness. 

At last, however, the agitation of the Ilbert Bill sub- 
sided. The eruption of the volcano of the Anglo-Indian 
hearts stopped, but the anger and vexation continued 
boiling within as the cause of the explosion still remained. 
And the Government of India were biding their time to 
carry out that most un-English scheme of the despatch of 
2nd May, 1879, to create a pariah lazaretto to consign 
these pariah thereto. 

Owing to the persistence of Lord Cranbrook the 
appointments under the Act of 1870 had begun in 1880, 
and continued to be made, i.e about six or seven Indians 


446 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


continued to be admitted in the Covenanted Civil Service. 
The main cause of the explosion having continued, and the 
Government of India having set its heart upon its own 
scheme, a new departure and development now arose. The 
question at the bottom was how to knock the “ statutory 
service ” on the head, and put down effectively the cry 
for simultaneous examinations. The explosion under the 
excuse of the Ilbert Bill did not effect that object, and so, 
according to Lord Lytton’s confession of the general 
conduct of the Executive, something also should be done. 

We now enter upon the next stage of this sad story. 
I shall place some facts and any fair-minded Englishman 
will be able to draw his own conclusions. Before I do so 
certain perliminary explanation is necessary. 

In India, when the authorities are decided upon cer- 
tain views which are not likely to be readily accepted by 
the public, a Commission or Committee comes into existence. 
The members are mostly officials or ex-officials — English or 
Indians. Some non-officials, English or Indians or both, 
are sometimes thrown in, selected by the Government itself. 
It is a well understood thing that in all matters officials 
are bound always to take and support the Government 
views. The ex-officials are understood to be bound by 
gratitude to do the same. If anyone takes an independent 
line, either in a Commission or Committee, or in his own 
official capacity, and displeases the Government, I cannot 
undertake to say with instances what happens. 

Perhaps, some Anglo-Indians themselves may feel the 
sense of duty to supply some instances from their own 
experience. Almost by accident an instance has just come 
back before me in the Champion , of Bombay, and 
which gives the incident almost in the author’s 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


447 


(Mr. Robert H. Elliot) words: “Mr. Geddes came 

before the Finance Committee (1871-74), and that 
the members thought it well worth examining him 
is evidenced by the fact that he was examined 
at very great length. Here was a chance for Duff: he 
thought he would do a very clever thing, and as Mr. 
Geddes had introduced into his financial pamphlet some 
views of rather a novel description, and had, besides, 
made use of some rather out-of-the-way illustrations, this 
gave a good opportunity for putting questions in such 
a. way as was calculated to cast ridicule on Mr. Geddes, 
and depreciate the value of the important points he had 
brought out. But this was far from being all. It was 
intimated pretty plainly to Mr. Geddes that his opinions 
ought to be in harmony with the Government he served, 
and here Mr. Geddes said that he certainly ought to be in 
harmony with the Government if there was any spirit of 
harmony in it. Mr. Geddes was clearly not to be put down, 
and Duff thought he would try something more severe. 

4 You hold an appointment in the Government, do you 
not ? ’ 4 Yes, ’ said Mr. Geddes. 4 And do you expect to 
return to that post ? ’ asked Duff. 4 Yow, my dear John,’ 
continues the author, 4 you will not find that question 
in the report, for the simple reason that it was ordered 
to be expunged.” Would some Anglo-Indian kindly give 
us some information of what afterwards became of Mr. 
Geddes? I would not trouble the Commission with my own 
treatment before the same Committee, which was anything 
but fair, because, like Mr. Geddes, I had something novel 
to say. I would only add that an important and pointed 
evidence of Lord Lawrence, on the wretchedness and ex- 
treme poverty of India, was also suppressed in the Report 


448 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


The officials have therefore to bear in mind to be in 
harmony with Government or think of their posts — and 
I suppose the ex-officials have also to bear in mind that 
there is such a thing as pension. 

Here is one more instance. When Mr. Hyndman 
published his “ Bankruptcy of India,” Mr. Caird at 
once wrote to the Times contradicting him. The India 
Office soon after sent him to preside over the Famine 
Commission. He, though at first much prejudiced by 
Anglo-Indian views, and going to bless the Government, 
returned cursing. He made a report on the condition of 
India, and that being contrary to official views, 0 ! how 
Government laboured to discredit him ! 

Lastly, Commissions or Committees report what they 
like. If they are in the expected harmony with Govern- 
ment, all is well. But anything which Government doe& 
not want or is contrary to its views is brushed aside. 
Reports of Commissions must be in harmony with the 
views of the Government. If not, so much the worse for 
the Commissioners ; and this is what has actually happen- 
ed with the Public Service Commission, which I am now 
going to touch upon as the next stage in this sad history 
of the fate of Indians for services in their own country. 

When I came here in 1886, 1 paid a visit to Lord 
Kimberley, the Secretary of State for India. I had been 
favoured with more than an hour’s conversation, mainly 
on the two topics of “ statutory service” and simultaneous 
examinations, and 1 found him a determined , decided 
opponent to both, and completely, to our misfortune, 
saturated with Anglo-Indian views — not seeming to 
realise at all the Indian side. He urged to me all the 
Anglo-Indian stock arguments, and I saw what he was 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


449 


really aiming at — the very thing which Lord Cranbrook 
had summarily rejected — the scheme of the Government 
of India of the despatch of 2nd May, 1878, the close 
service. 

From that interview I saw clearly what the “ Public 
Service Commission ” was for — that the abolition of the 
“ statutory ” service, the suppression of the cry for simul- 
taneous examinations, and the adoption of the scheme of 
2nd May, 1878, were determined, foregone conclusions. 

Soon after my conversation with Lord Kimberley, I 
happened to be on the same boat with Sir Charles Turner 
on my way to Bombay. Sir Charles Turner was going 
out by appointment by Lord Kimberley to join the Public 
Service Commission. I at once prepared a short memoran- 
dum, and gave it to him. Afterwards, in* the course of 
the conversation, he told me that he had certain instruc- 
tions from Lord Kimberley. Sir Charles Turner, of course, 
could not tell me, whatever they may have been. But I 
could not help forming my own conclusions from what I 
had myself learnt from Lord Kimberley himself in my 
conversation with him. Sir Charles Aitchison was the 
President of the Commission, and he, as Lieutenant-Gover- 
nor of the Punjab, made a representation to the Commis- 
sion, in which he expressed his clear opposition to the 
simultaneous examinations. About the “ statutory ” 
service he had already most strongly objected to, two 
years before the appointment of the Commission, 
in a very inaccurate and hasty argument and on very 
imperfect information. In a country like India, 
governed under a despotism, where, under present circum- 
stances, service under and favour of Government is to 
many the all in all, what effect must the declaration of the 
29 


450 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


head of the province, and the well-known decided views 
of the Government itself, produce upon the invited wit- 
nesses — not only official, but non-official also — can hardly 
he realised by Englishmen, who have their government in 
their own hands. 

The third important member’s — Sir Charles Crossth- 
waite — view, as I have already indicated, seemed the 
anxiety about “ our boys.” 

There were among the members of the Commission — • 

8 European officials. 

1 Indian official. 

3 Indian ex-officials. 

1 Non-official European, the General Secretary 
of the Behar Indigo Planters’ Association. 
It would be worth while to know what share 
the planters had taken in the llbert Bill 
agitation. 

1 Eurasian. 

2 Indian non-officials, one of whom, I think, 

never attended the Commission till it met 
for Report, 

Mr. Kazi Shahabu-din, before he joined the Comis- 
sion, distinctly told me that he was dead against both 
questions, “ statutory ” and simultaneous. It was all very 
good, he said to me, to talk of eternal principles and jus- 
tice and all that, but he was determined not to allow the 
Hindus to advance. The views of Sir Syad Ahmad Khan 
were no secret as being against simultaneous examinations 
and statutory service. I am informed that Mr. Nuhlkar 
and Mr. Mudliar were sorry for their action in joining 
in the Report, and Mr. Romesh Chandra Mitra has, I 
think, expressed some repudiation of his connexion with 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


451 


the Report of the Commission. The Raja of Bhinga only 
joined the Commission at the Report. 

Our misfortune was, as I saw at that time, the three 
Hindu members did not. I think, fully realise how a death- 
* blow was being struck at the future political and adminis- 
trative advance and aspirations of the Indians ; and how, 
by an insidious and subtle stroke all pledges and Acts of 
Parliament, and Proclamations — the very breath of our 
political life — the hope and anchor of our aspirations and 
advance were being undermined and swept away. I have 
also already pointed out the determination of the Govern- 
ment of India since their letter of 2nd May, 1878, not 
only to stop further advance, but even to take away wbat 
they, the Indians, already had. 

I was a witness before this Commission. I fully ex- 
pected that as I was considered one of the chief complain- 
ants in these matters, I would be severely examined and 
turned inside out. But the Commission, to my surprise, 
carried on with me more of an academical debate than a 
serious practical examination, and seemed wishful to get 
rid of me quickly, so much so, that I was forced to request 
that a Memorandum which I had placed before them 
should be added to my evidence on several points. 

I may here explain that simultaneous examinations 
was by far the most important matter, and, if granted, 
would have dispensed with the necessity of the “ statu- 
tory ” service. The chief fight was for simultaneous 
examinations. 

First, as far as the “ statutory ” service is concerned, 
here is the extraordinary result. In the instructions, the 
object of the Commission was stated, “ broadly speaking,” 
“to devise a schema which miy rexsombly b) hoped to 


452 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


possess the necessary elements of finality , and to do full 
justice to the claims of the Natives of India to higher and 
•more extensive employment in the public service ” ; and in 
this the Governor-General in Council fully and cordially 
agreed . 

This was the promise, and what is the performance? 
The admission of one-sixth Indians into the Covenanted 
Service we already possessed by law — and in operation. 
We were already eligible to all Uncovenanted Services. 
Full justice, and still higher and more extensive employ- 
ment were promised — and what did we actually get? We 
were deprived of what we already by law (of 1870) possess- 
ed ; and instead of giving us “full justice” it deprived us 
of all our hopes and aspirations to be admitted to an 
equality of employment with British officials ; and we were 
coolly, mercilessly, despotically, and illegally consigned to 
a small pariah service, open to Europeans also — which had 1 
been already schemed and firmly determined upon ten years 
before in the despatch of 2nd May, 1878 — in utter and 
dishonourable violation of the Acts of 1833 and 1870, and 
three gracious Proclamations. This is the way in which 
the Public Service Commission has carried out its object to 
devise a scheme to possess elements of finality and to do 
full justice to the claims of the Natives to higher and more 
extensive employment in the public service. 

Now, with regard to simultaneous examinations, the 
conduct of the Public Service Commission seems to be still 
more extraordinary. Why they actually reported as far 
as I can see, in opposition to the weight of evidence, I 
cannot understand. Mr. William Digby has analysed the 
evidence in a letter to Lord Cross, of 8th May, 1889, and 
I append that part of his letter. I asked the Secretary of 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


453 


State to inform me whether Mr. Digby’s analysis was cor- 
rect or not, but the information was not given me. 

There is again a curious coincidence between the 
action of Lord Lytton and Lord Dufferin which I may 
intervene here. 

Of Lord Lytton I have already mentioned about the 
contrast between his speech at the Delhi Durbar in Janu- 
ary, 1S77, and his action in the despatch of 2nd May, 1878. 

On 4th October, 1886, was started the Public Service 
Commission, and in the beginning of the very next year, 
1887, on the occasion of the Jubilee, Lord Dufferin said 
in his Jubilee speech : — 

“ Wide and broad, indeed, are the new fields in which the 
Government of India is called upon to labour, but no longer as 
aforetime need it labour alone. Within the period we are review- 
ing, education has done its work, and we are surrounded on all 
sides, by Native gentlemen of great attainments and intelligence, 
from whose hearty, loyal, and honest co-operation we may hope 
to derive the greatest benefit. In fact, to an administration so pe- 
culiarly situated as ours, “their advice, assistance, and solidarity 
are essential to the successful exercise of its functions.” Nor do I 
regard with any other feelings than those of approval and good- 
will their natural ambition to be more extensively associated with 
their English rulers in the administration of their own domestic 
affairs,” 

At the same time the Empress of India thus empha- 
sises her great Proclamation of 1858 : — 

“ It had always been, and will always be, her earnest desire to 
maintain unswervingly the principles laid down in the Proclama- 
tion published on her assumption of the direct control of the Gov- 
ernment of India.” 

And these two declarations of hope and justice came 
to what end ? Within two years, as I have already said, 
Lord Cross, with a ruthless hand, snatched away from us 
the small instalment of justice which Sir S. Northcote had 
dene to us, consigned us to a small “ pariah service,” and 
destroyed virtually all our charters and aspirations. 


454 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


I now come to the last dark section of this sad chap- 
ter, which also shows that, to our misfortune, we have had 
nothing but bitter disappointments — since 1833 — nothing 
but “ subterfuges” and “ political hypocrisy” up to the 
present day. 

Propose anything for the benefit of Europeans and it 
is done at once. The Royal Engineering College at 
Coopers Hill and the Exchange Compensation Allowance- 
are two notorious instances, the latter especially heartless 
and despotic. The Government of India has distinctly 
admitted that the compensation is illegal. It knew also 
that it would be a heartless act towards the poverty- 
stricken people of India. But, of course, when European 
interests are concerned, legality and heart go to the winds ^ 
despotism and force are the only law and argument. 
Here is another curious incident connected both witb 
examinations and Europeans. 

As I have already placed before the Commission my 
papers on the entire exclusion of Indians from military 
and naval examinations, either here or in India, I will not 
say anything more. The curious incident is this : — 

The War Office would not admit Indians to examina- 
tions even in this country, and on no account simultane- 
ously in India. But they allowed Europeans to be ex- 
amined directly in India. St. George College, Massoori, 
examined its boys. A boy named Roderick O’Connor 
qualified for Sandhurst from the college in 1893. Two 
boys named Herbert Ptoddy and Edwin Roddy had also- 
passed from that college. 

On 2nd June, 1893, the House of Commons passed 
the resolution to have simultaneous examinations in Eng- 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


455 


land and India for all the services for which the examina- 
tions are at present held in England alone.* 

Had such a Resolution been passed for any other 
department of State it would have never dared to offer 
resistance to it. But with unfortunate India the case is 
quite different. 

The Resolution of 2nd June, 1893, having been car- 
ried, the Under-Secretary of State for India (Mr. Russell) 
said ( Hansard , vol. 17, p. 1035) : “ It may be in the recol- 
lection of the House that in my official capacity it was my 
duty earlier in the Session to oppose a Resolution in favour 
of simultaneous examinations. But the House of Com- 
mons thought differently from the Goverment. That once 
done I need hardly say that there is no disposition on the 
part of the Secretary of State for India or myself to thwart 
or defeat the effect of the vote of the House of Commons on 
that Resolution. 

“ We have consulted the Government of India, and have 
asked them as “ to the way ” in which the resolution of the House 
“ can best be carried out.” It is a matter too important to be 
carried out without the advice of the Indian Government, and at 
present impossible to state explicitly what will be done.” 

Now, the Commission will observe that the Govern- 
ment of India was to be consulted as to the way in whi c kL 
the Resolution was to be best carried out f and not as to 
whether it was to be carried, out or not nor to thwart or defeat 
it. What did the Prime Minister (Mr. Gladstone) say : — 

14 The question is a very important one, and has received the 
careful consideration of Government. They have determined 
that the Resolution of the House should be referred to the Gov- 

* “ All open competitive examinations heretofore held in Eng- 
land alone for appointments to the Civil Services of India shall 
henceforth be held simultaneous both in India and England, such 
examinations in both countries being identical in their nature, and 
all who compete being finally classified in one list according to 
merit.” 


456 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


ernment of India without delay, and that there should be a prompt 
and careful examination of the subject by that Government, who 
“ are instructed ” to say in “ what mode ” in their opinion, and 
under what conditions and limitations the Resolution ‘could be 
carried into effect.’ ” 

It must be observed again that the Government of 
India were to be instructed to say by what mode the Reso- 
lution could be carried into effect. 

After such declarations by two important officials 
what did the Secretary of State do ? 

Did he loyally confine himself to these declarations ? 
We know that Lord Kimberley (who was then the Secre- 
tary of State) was dead against simultaneous examinations. 
He knew full well that the Government of India was well 
known to the world to be as dead against any such interest 
of the Indians. Sir James Peile in his minute even said 
as much. And yet in a very clever way the Indian Office 
adds a sentence to its despatch, virtually telling the Gov- 
ernment of India to resist altogether. 

The last sentence added to the despatch was : — 

“ 3. I will only point out th?„t it is indispensable that an ade- 
quate number of the members of the Civil Service shall always be 
Europeans and that no scheme would be admissible which does 
not fulfil that essential condition.” 

And further, that there should remain no doubt of 

the real intention of this sentence, six members of the 
Council wrote vehement minutes emphatically indicating 
that the Government of India should resist — not obey the 
instruction as to what mode should be adopted to carry 
out the Resolution. And thus, knowing full well what 
the Government of India’s views were, knowing also that 
the Resolution was passed notwithstanding the opposition of 
the Government ; knowing also that Mr. Russell had dis- 
tinctly told the House of the acceptance by the Govern- 
ment of what the House decided, and promising on behalf 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


457 


of the Secretary of State, as well as himself, not to thwart 
or defeat the Resolution , Lord Kimberley sent the Indian 
lamb back to the Government wolf, as if the Resolution of 
the House was not of the slightest consequence, and the 
Governments here and in India were supreme and above 
the House of Commons. They had always done this for 
two- thirds of a century to every Act or Resolution of Par- 
liament, or the Sovereign’s Proclamations. 

With such open suggestion and encouragement from 
the Secretary of State and his councillors, and with their 
own firm determination not to allow the advancement of the 
Natives by simultaneous examination — even having only 
lately snatched away from the hands of the Indians the 
little instalment of justice that was made by Sir Stafford 
Northcote and the Duke of Argyll, and was approved by 
Lord Salisbury — what could be expected in reply to such 
a despatch. Of course, the Government of India resisted 
with a will, tooth and nail, as they had always done. 

At first, the Government of Madras was one for justice. 
And then, in the vicious circle in which all Indian interests 
are usually cleverly entangled, the Government here made 
that very resistance of the Indian Government a subterfuge 
and excuse for itself — that as the Government of India 
refuses they could nut carry out the resolution ! And the 
House of Commons had, as usual on Indian matters, one 
more disregard and insult. 

And thus was one more disappointment — the bitterest 
of all the 64 years of disappointments the people of India 
have suffered. And yet there are men who raise up their 
hands in wonder that there should be any dissatisfaction 
among the Indians, when they themselves are the very 
creators of this discontent and great suffering. 


458 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


I have referred to Lord Kimberley’s actions, which 
showed how he was actuated from the very beginning. 
Now even before the despatch was sent to India, Lord 
Kimberley himself showed his full hand and let the 
Government of India know, by anticipation, his entire 
resistance to the Resolution within nine days of the pass- 
ing of the Resolution on 2nd June, 1893, and ten days 
before the despatch was sent to India. He said (dinner to 
Lord Roberts by the Lord Mayor — Times, 1 3th J une, 
1893): — 

“ There is one point upon which I imagine, whatever may be= 
our party polities in this country, we are all united; that we are 
resolutely determined to maintain our supremacy over our Indian 
Empire. That I conceive is a matter about which we have only 
one opinion, and let ms tell you that that supremacy rests upon 
three distinct bases. One of those bases, and a very important 
one, is the loyalty and good-will of the Native Princes and popul- 
ation over whom we rule. Next, and not less important, is the 
maintenance of our “ European ” Civil Service, upon which rests 
the foundation of our administration in India. . . . Last, not 

because it is the least, but because I wish to give it the greatest 
prominence, we rest also upon the magnificent European foree^ 
which we maintain in that country, and the splendid army of 
Native auxiliaries by which that force is supported. . . . Let 

us firmly and calmly maintain our position in that country ; let us 
be thoroughly armed as to our frontier defences, and then I 
believe we may trust to the old vigour of the people of this 
country, come what may, to support our supremacy in that great 
Empire.” 

Now, if it was as he said, there was only one opinion 
and such resolute determination, why on earth was all the 
fuss aud expense of a Public Service Commission made? J 
If European service was a resolute determination, was it 
not strange to have the subject of simultaneous examina- 
tions taken up at all by the Commission on grounds of 
reason, when it was a resolute, despotic, foregone con- 
clusion ? And why was the statutory service disturbed 
Avhen it had been settled by Northeote, Argyll, and Salis- 
bury and Parliament as a solution of compromise? 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 459 


Now, we must see a little further what Lord Kimber- 
ley’s speech means. It says, “ One of those bases, and a 
very important one, is the loyalty and good-will of the 
Native Princes and population over whom we rule.” Now, 
the authorities both in England and India do everything 
possible to destroy that very loyalty and good-will, or, as 
it is often called, contentment, which these authorities 
profess to depend upon. I cannot say anything here about 
the Native Princes. But what about the good-will of the 
Native population ! Is it productive of loyalty and good- 
will (will a Briton be similarly content) to tell the Indians, 
“ you will be kept down with the iron heel upon your 
neck of European services — military ami civil — in order 
to maintain our power over you, to defend ourselves 
against Russian invasion, and thereby maintain our 
position in Europe, to increase our territory in the East, 
and to violate all our most solemn pledges. And all this 
at your cost, and mostly with your blood, just as tho 
Empire itself has been built up. We have the power and 
for our benefit; and you put your Parliament and your 
Proclamations into your pocket.” Queer way of producing 
contentment and loyalty ! 

This is a strange superiority over the despotic old 
Indian system ! It is seldom a matter of the slightest 
thought to our authorities as to who should pay for these 
European services and for the outside wars, and what the 
consequences are of the “ bleeding.” 

In connexion with India generally, the Englishman 
(with some noble exceptions) deteriorates from a lover of 
liberty to a lover of despotism, without the slightest regard 
as to how the Indians are affected and bled. He suddenly 
becomes a superior, infallible being, and demands that 


460 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


what he does is right, and should never be questioned. 
(Mr. Gladstone truly called the “ argument and law of 
force ” as the law and argument of the present Anglo- 
Indian rule.) “ Our boys ” is his interest. The “ boys ” 
of others may go to the dogs, perish or be degraded for 
what he cares. 

This is what the Anglo-Indian spirit of power, selfish- 
ness, and despotism (strange products of the highest 
civilisation) speaks through the mouth of the heads. How 
this spirit, if continued, will recoil on this country itself, 
there cannot be for Englishman themselves much difficulty 
to understand. 

My remarks about Lord Kimberley are made with 
much pain. He is one of the best Englishmen I have ever 
met with. But our misfortune is this. Secretaries of 
State (with few exceptions) being not much conversant 
with or students of the true Indian affairs, place them- 
selves in the hands of Anglo-Indians. If, fortunately, one 
turns out capable of understanding the just claim of the 
Indians and does something, some successor under the 
everlasting influence of permanent officials subverts the 
justice done, and the Indian interests perish with all their 
dire consequences. A Sir Stafford Northcote gives, a 
Lord Cross snatches away. 

It will be seen that the very claim now put forward 
by the Indian authorities of having done a great favour by 
the “ Provincial Service ” is misleading and not justified. 
On the contrary, we are deprived of what we already 
possessed by an Act of Parliament (1870) of admission into 
the full Covenanted Civil Service to the extent of about 
180 or 200 appointments, while what is given to us with 
much trumpeting is a miserable “ close pariah service ” of 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 461 


about 95 Covenanted specific appointments, and that even 
not confined to Indians, but open to Europeans also, and 
so devised that no regular admission (as far as I know) on 
some organised system and tests is adopted, and I under- 
stand it to be said that some twenty or thirty years will 
elapse before the scheme will come into some regular 
operation. Can there be a greater blow and injustice to 
the Indians and a greater discredit to the authorities ? 
But what is worst of all is that insidious efforts are made 
to undermine and destroy all our charters of equal British 
citizenship with the people of this country. 

Lord Kimberley’s speech in support of the present 
system is the best justification of what Macaulay had said 
that “ the heaviest of all yokes is the yoke of the 
stranger.” If this speech meant anything, it meant that 
the British yoke over India should be as heavy a foreign 
yoke as could be made. For, he does not say a word that 
if England employs the European Agency for its own sake 
he should think it just that England should pay for it, or* 
at least, the greater portion or half of it. Any such act of 
justice does not seem to occur to the Anglo-Indian 
“ Masters.” India alone must bleed for whatever the 
Master wills. And Britain cares not as it has nothing to 
pay. Worse still, the masters do not seem to care what 
deterioration of character and capacity is caused to the 
Indians. 

As to the fitness and integrity of the Indians in any 
kind of situation — military or civil — there is now no room 
for controversy, even though they have not had a fair trial 
they have shown integrity, pluck, industry, courage and 
culture, to a degree of which the British people may well 
be proud, as being the authors of it. I have already 


462 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’s WRITINGS. 


touched upon the point of fitness in one of the statements. 

About loyalty. In the despatch of 8th June, 1880, 
the Government of India itself said, “ To the minds of at 
least the educated among the people of India — and the 
number is rapidly increasing — any idea of the subversion 
of British power is abhorrent from the consciousness that 
it must result in the wildest anarchy and confusion.’’ 

The fact is that because India asks and hopes for 
British rule on British principles, and not un-British rule 
on un-British principles of pure despotism aggravated by 
the worst evils of a foreign domination, that the educated 
are devotedly loyal, and regard their efforts for this pur" 
pose as their highest and best patriotism. Nothing can be 
more natural and sensible. 


SUMMARY. 

In 1833, a noble clause was passed by Parliament — 
everything that the Indians could desire. Had the Execu- 
tives loyally and faithfully carried out that clause, India 
would have been in the course of more than sixty years a 
prosperous and contented and deeply loyal country, and a 
strength and a benefit to the British Empire to an extent 
hardly to be conceived or realised at present, when, by an 
opposite course, India is afflicted with all the horrors and 
misery to which humanity can possibly be exposed. After 
1833, twenty years passed but nothing done. Fresh efforts 
were made in Parliament to put the Indians on the same 
footing as British subjects, by simultaneous examinations 
in this country and India. Stanley, Bright, Rich and 
others protested to no purpose ; the violation of the Act 
of 1833 continued. 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 463 

Then came the great and glorious Proclamation of the 
Queen in 1858, and a new bright hope to the Indians ; but 
not fulfilled up to the present day. In 1860, a Committee 
of five members of the Council of the Secretary of State 
pointed out the dishonour of the British name, and report- 
ed that simultaneous examinations were the best method 
to do justice to the Act of 1833 — to no purpose; the Re- 
port was suppressed and the public knew nothing about it. 
In 1867, the East India Association petitioned for the 
admission into the Covenanted Civil Service of a small pro- 
portion of Indians. Sir Stafford Northcote admitted the 
justice of the prayer, and proposed a clause to give a partial 
fulfilment of the Act of 1833. The Duke of Argyll passed 
it. Lord Salisbury approved of it, but pointed out how 
the jealousy of the Anglo-Indians would wreck it — a 
prophecy which was not long to be fulfilled. 

The Government of India resisted tooth and nail, and 
made some outrageous proposals in the despatch of 2nd 
May, 1878. It was then that Lord Lytton, in a minute, 
admitted the ignoble policy of subterfuges and dishonour 
upon which the Executives had all along acted since 
1833. 

A. strong and justly inclined Secretary (Lord Cran- 
brook) persisted, brushed aside all resistance and plausi- 
bilities, and compelled the Government of India to give 
effect to the clause. The Government of India, with bad 
grace and very reluctantly, made the rules — cleverly drawn 
up to throw discredit upon the service- -the worst part was 
rejected by Lord Cranbrook ; but an insidious device re- 
mained, and the appointments were begun to be made. 
The Anglo-Indians boiled with rage, and the explosion on 
the Ilbert Bill was the open declaration of war. Lord 


464 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


Salisbury on that occasion confessed that the conduct of 
the Executive all along was merely '* political hypocrisy.” 

The agitation subsided, but the appointments having 
remained to be continued the boiling under the crater con- 
tinued, and, instead of exploding, the Government resorted 
to other devices and gained their settled object with a 
vengeance — the report of the Public Service Commission 
confirmed the foregone conclusions against the Statutory 
Service and simultaneous examinations. 

The statutory service of full eligibility and of about 
200 employments in the course of thirty years in the whole 
Covenanted Service was abolished, and the wretched 
scheme of May 2nd, 1878, established instead. 

The whole position has been thrown back worse than 
it ever was before. 

A Conservative (Sir Stafford Northcote) proposed, 
and a Liberal (Duke of Argyll) passed the Act of 1870 to 
do some justice. A Conservative (Lord Cranbrook) insist- 
ed upon carrying it out. A Liberal (Lord Kimberley) 
began to undermine it, and another Conservative (Lord 
Cross) gave it the deathblow — though, to the humiliation 
of the House of Commons, the Act remains on the Statute- 
Book. What faith can the Indians have on any Act of 
Parliament ? To-day something given, to-morrow snatched 
away ; Acts and Resolutions of Parliament and Proclama- 
tions notwithstanding. 

Once more Parliament did justice and passsed the 
Resolution, in 1893, for simultaneous examinations, to 
share the same grievous fate as all its former enactments. 
And the Indian Executive thus stands proclaimed the 
supreme power over the heads of all — Parliament, People, 
and Sovereign. 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVTL SERVICE. 465 


The whole force and object of the two references to 
our Commission is to reply to Sir Henry Fowler’s most 
important challenge, and that reply mainly depends upon 
the consideration of the way in which the clauses in the 
Acts of 1833 and 1870 and the Proclamations are dealt with. 

Sir Henry Fowler’s challenge is this : “ The question I 
wish to consider is, whether that Government, with all its 
machinery as now existing in India, has, or has not, pro- 
moted the general prosperity of the people of India, and 
whether India is better or worse off by being a province of 
the British Crown ; that is the test.” 

I may here give a few extracts as bearing upon the 
subject and its results. I am obliged to repeat a few that 
I have already cited in my previous statements. 

Sir William Hunter has said : — 

“You cannot work with imported labour as cheaply as 'you 
can with Native labour, and I regard the more extended employ- 
ment of the Natives not only as an act of justice but “ as a finan- 
cial necessity” I believe that it will be impossible to deny 

them a larger share in the administration The appoint- 

ments of a few Natives annually to the Covenanted Civil Service 

will not solve the problem If we are to govern the Indian 

people efficiently and cheaply we must govern them “ by means of 
themselves ” and pay for the administration at the market rates 
of Native labour Good work thus commenced has assum- 

ed such dimensions under the Queen’s Government of India 
that it can no longer be carried on, “ or even supervised, by 
imported labour ” from England, except at a cost which India 
cannot sustain.” 

“ I do not believe that a people numbering one-sixth of the 
whole inhabitants of the globe, and whose aspirations have been 
nourished from their earliest youth on the strong food of English 
liberty, can be permanently denied a voice in the government of 
the country.” 

Lord Salisbury has said : “ But it would be a great evil if 
the result of our dominion was that the Natives of India who 
were capable of government should be absolutely and hopelessly 
excluded from such a career.” 

Now that it is emphatically declared that all profes- 
sions of equality of British citizenship were only so much 
30 


466 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


hypocrisy — that India must be bled of its wealth, work, 
and wisdom, that it must exist only for the maintenance 
of British rule by its blood, its money, and its slavery — 
England and India are face to face, and England ought to 
declare what, in the name of civilisation, justice, honour, 
and all that is righteous England means to do for the 
future. The principles of the statesmen of 1833 were: 
“ Be just and fear not ; ” the principles of the present 
statesmen appear to be : “ Fear and be unjust.” Let 
India know which of the two is to be her future fate. 
However mighty a Power may be, justice and righteous- 
ness are mightier far than all the mightiness of brute 
force. Macaulay has said : “ Of all forms of tyranny I 
believe that the worst is that of a nation over a nation.” 
And he has also said : “ The end of government is the 
happiness of the people.” Has the end of Indian govern- 
ment been such, or all a “ terrible misery,” as Lord 
Salisbury has truly characterised it ? Let the question be 
honestly answered. 

The statesmen of 1833 accepted that “ the righteous 
are as bold as a lion.” But the authorities seem to have 
always forgotten it or ignored it ; and political cowardice 
has been more before their eyes. 

Lord Salisbury has said many more truths, but I 
have mentioned them before. 

Mr. Gladstone has said : — 

“ It is the predominance of that moral force for which I 
heartily pray in the deliberations of this House, and the conduct 
of our whole public policy, for I am convinced that upon that 
predominance depends that which should be the first object of 
all our desires as it is of all our “ daily official prayers,” namely, 
that union of heart and sentiment which constitutes the two 
bases of strength at home, and therefore both of strength and 
good fame throughout the civilised world.” 

Again : 

“ There can be no more melancholy, and in the last result, 
no more degrading spectacle upon earth than the spectacle of 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 


467 


oppression, or of wrong in whatever form, inflicted by the 

deliberate Act of a nation upon another nation 

“ But on the other hand there can be nobler spectacle than 
that which we think is now dawning upon us, the spectacle of a 
nation deliberately set on the removal of injustice, deliberately 
determined to break — not through terror, and not in haste, but 
under the sole influence of duty and honour — determined to break 
with whatever remains still existing of an evil tradition, 
and determined in that way at once to pay a debt of justice, 
and to consult by a bold, wise and good Act, its own interest 
and its own honour.” 

These extracts refer to Ireland. They apply with ten 
times the force to India. 

With regard to India, he has fully admitted that there 
the law and argument of England was “ the law and argu- 
ment of force.” Lord Randolph Churchill realised the true 
position of the evil of foreign domination of England in 
India under the present system. He said : — 

“ The position of India in relation to taxation and the sources 
of the public revenues is very peculiar, not merely from the 
habits of the people, and their strong aversion to change, which is 
more specially exhibited to new forms of taxation, “ but likewise 
from the character of the government, which is in the hands of 
foreigners, who hold all the principal administrative offices and 
form so large a part of the Army.” The impatience of the new 
taxation which will have to be borne wholly as a consequence of 
“ the foreign rule imposed on the country,” and virtually to meet 
additions to charges arising outside of the country, would 
“ constitute a political danger, ” the real magnitude of 
which, it is to be feared, is not at all appreciated by persons who 
have no knowledge of or concern in the Government of India, but 
what those responsible for that Government have long regarded 
“ as of the most serious order.” 

“ The East India Company, in their petition against 

change of government, said : — 

“ That your petitioners cannot contemplate without dismay 
the doctrine now widely promulgated that India should be ad- 
ministered with an especial view to the benefit of the English who 
reside there ; or that in its administration “ any advantage should 
be sought for her Majesty’s subjects of European birth,” except 
that which they will necessarily derive from their superiority of 
intelligence, and from the increased prosperity of the people, the 
improvement of the productive resources of the country and the 
extension of commercial intercourse.” 


468 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


The course, however, during the administration by 
the Crown, has been to regard the interests of Europeans 
as the most important and paramount, and generally every 
action is based upon that principle, with little concern or 
thought what that meant to the people of India at large. 

Everything for the benefit of Indian interests is the 
romance, and everything for the benefit of the British and 
“ cruel and crushing tribute ” from Indians is the reality. 

The edifice of the British rule rests at present upon 
the sandy foundation of Asiatic despotism, injustice, and 
all the evils of a foreign domination, as some of the best 
English statesmen have frequently declared ; and the 
more this edifice is made heavier by additions to these 
evils, as is continuously being done, by violation of pledges 
and exclusion of Indians from serving in their own coun- 
try, with all its natural evil consequences the greater, the 
more devastating and complete, I am grieved to foresee, 
will be the ultimate crash. 

The question of remedy I have already dealt with in 
one of my representations to the Commission. 

In a letter in the Times of September 28 last, Bishop 
Tugwell quotes an extract from the Times with regard to 
the African races. How much more forcibly does it apply 
to India, to whom the people of England mostly owe the 
formation and maintenance of the British Indian Empire, 
and who for their reward receive “ terrible misery ” and 

“ bleeding.” 

The Times says : — 

“ The time has long passed away when we were content to 
justify our rule by the strong hand alone. We should no longer 
hold our great tropical possessions with an easy conscience did we 
not feel convinced that our tenure of them is for the advantage, 
not of ourselves only, but of the subject peoples.” 

Can a fair-minded, honest Englishman say that he has 
this easy conscience with regard to India, after the wars, 


INDIANS IN COVENANTED CIVIL SERVICE. 469 


famine and pestilence which have been devastating that ill- 
fated country, after a British rule of a century and a half ? 

Macaulay has said, in 1833 : — 

“ 6 Propter vitam vivendi perdere causas ’ is a despicable 
policy either in individuals or States. In the present ease such a 
policy would not only be despicable but absurd.” 

After describing from Bernier the practice of miser- 
able tyrants of poisoning a dreaded subject, he says : — 

41 That detestable artifice, more horrible than assassination 
itself, was worthy of those who employed it. Jt is no model for 
the English nation. We shall never consent to administer the 
pousta to a whole community — to stupefy and paralyse a great 
people — whom God has committed to our charge, for the wretch- 
ed purpose of rendering them more amenable to our control.” 

Lord Hartington said in 1883 : — 

“It is not wise to educate the people of India, to introduce 
among them your civilisation and your progress and your liter- 
ature, and at the same time to tell them they shall never have any 
chance of taking any part or share in the administration of the 
affairs of their country, except by their getting rid in the first 
instance of their European rulers. Surely, it would not be wise to 
tell a patriotic Native of India that.” 

This naturally suggests the question of the future of 
India with regard to Russia, This is rather a wide sub- 
ject, and somewhat indirectly connected with this state- 
ment. But I may say here that there are, in my think- 
ing, certain features in the Indian rule of great plausi- 
bility, which the Russians, by their emissaries, will urge 
upon the mind of the masses of the Indians, when they 
are in any spirit of discontent, with great effect against 
the English. Nor need I enter on the speculation 
whether Russia would be able to make a lodging in India, 
These are matters which every Englishman is bound to 
consider calmly. The English people and Parliament 
should not wait to consider them till it is too late. My 
whole fear is, that if the British people allow things to 
drift on in the present evil system, the disaster may come 
to both countries when it is too late to prevent or repair it. 


470 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


My whole earnest anxiety is that righteous means 
may be adopted by which the connexion between the two 
countries may be strengthened with great blessings and 
benefits to both countries. I speak freely, because I feel 
strongly that it is a thousand pities that a connexion that 
can be made great and good to both countries is blindly 
being undermined and destroyed with detriment to both. 
My previous statements have clearly shown that. The 
whole question of the blessing or curse of the connexion of 
England and India upon both countries rests mainly upon 
the honourable and loyal fulfilment of the Act of 1833 and 
the Proclamation of 1858, or upon the dishonour of the 
non-fulfilment of them : “ Righteousness alone will exalt a 
nation “ Injustice will bring down the mightiest to 
ruin.” 

I conclude with my earnest hope and prayer that our 
Commission will pronounce clearly upon all the vital ques- 
tions involved in their two references on which 1 have 
submitted my views. 

One last word of agony. With the dire calamities 
with which we have been overwhelmed, and in the midst 
of the greatest jubilation in the world, in which we took 
our hearty share, in spite of those calamities, we have not, 
as far as I know, got the word of our greatest hope and 
consolation — a repetition of the most gracious Proclama- 
tion of 1858, of equality of British citizenship, which we 
received on the assumption of the Imperial title and on 
the Jubilee ; nor of anything of its application. 

Yours truly, 

Dadabhai Naoroji. 


VII. 

INDIANS IN THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE.* 


A 

In proposing for your adoption this memorial, f I am 
glad that I have a very easy task before me, unless I 
create some giants of my own imagination to knock them 
down, for on the principle of the memorial I see on all 
hands there is but one opinion. Beginning with our gra- 
cious Sovereign, she has emphatically declared with regard 
to the natives of India (in a proclamation dated the 1st of 
November, 1858), “We hold ourselves bound to the 
natives of our Indian territories by the same obliga- 
tions of duty which bind us to all our other subjects, and 
those obligations, by the blessing of Almighty God, we 
shall faithfully and conscientiously fulfil,” Then referring 
to this particular point, the proclamation goes on, “ It is 
our further will, that so far as may^ be, our subjects, of 
whatever race or creed, be freely and impartially admitted 
to offices in our service, the duties of which may be quali- 
fied by their education, ability, and integrity duly to dis- 
charge.” That being the gracious declaration of the will 
and pleasure of our Sovereign, let us pass next to the 
opinion of Parliament upon the subject. The opinion of 
Parliament has been all long decisive upon this matter. 

* (Paper read before an evening Meeting of the East India 
Association, at London, Tuesday, August 13th 1867. Lord Lyveden 
in the Chair.) 

t “ We, the members of the East India Association, beg respect- 
fully to submit that the time has come when it is desirable to 
admit the natives of India to a larger share in the administration 
of India than hitherto. 


472 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


As far back as 1833, in the Act of that year, it was dis- 
tinctly declared, “ That no native of the said territories, 
nor any natural-born subject of his Majesty, resident 
therein, shall, by reason only of his religion, place of birth, 
descent, colour, or any of them, be disabled from hold- 
ing any place, office, or employment under the said 
Company and on every occasion when Parliament has 
had the matter before it, there has scarcely been any 

“To you, sir, it is quite unnecessary to point out the justice, 
necessity, and importance of this step, as in the debate in Parlia- 
ment, on May 24 last, you have pointed out this so emphatically 
and clearly, that it is enough for us to quote your own noble and 
statesmanlike sentiments. You said — i Nothing could be more 
wonderful than our empire in India ; but we ought to consider on 
what conditions we held it, and how our prdeeessors held it. The 
greatness of the Mogul empire depended upon the liberal policy 
that was pursued by men like Akbar, availing themselves of Hindu 
talent and assistance, and identifying themselves as far as possible 
with the people of the country. He thought that they ought to 
take a lesson from such a circumstance, and if they were to do 
their duty towards India they could only discharge that duty by 
obtaining the assistance and counsel of all who were great and 
good in that country. It would be absurd in them to say that 
there was not a large fund of statesmanship and ability in the 
Indian character.’ — ( Times , 25th May, 1867.) With these friendly 
and just sentiments towards the people of India we fully concur, 
and therefore, instead of trespassing any more upon your time, we 
beg to lay before you our views as to the best mode of accom- 
plishing the object. 

“ We think that the competitive examinations for a portion of 
the appointments to the Indian civil service should be held in 
India, under such rules and arrangements as you may think 
proper. What portion of the appointments should be thus com- 
peted for in India we cannot do better than leave to your own 
judgment. After the selection is made in India, by the first 
examination, we think it essential that the selected candidates be 
required to come to England to pass their further examinations 
with the selected candidates of this country. 

“ In the same spirit, and with kindred objects in view for the 
general good of India, we woydd ask you to extend your kind en- 
couragement to native youths of promise and ability to come to 
England for the completion of their education. We believe that 
if scholarships, tenable for five years in this country, were to be 
annually awarded by competitive examination in India to native 


INDIANS IN THE INDIAN CIVIL SERYICE. 


473 


opposition to the principle enunciated by this memorial. 
Again, up to the latest day, during the past three or four 
debates in Parliament which have taken place this year, we 
have seer the same principle emphatically declared ; even 
in last night’s debate we find the same again brought 
forward in a prominent way by some who are friends to 
India, and who also wish well to England. While we 
have this testimony on the part of our Sovereign and 
Parliament, we find that the press upon this matter at least 
is unanimous. So far back as 1853, in commenting upon 
the petition presented by the Bombay Association, I find a 
large proportion of the press here admitted the justice and 
truth of the complaints made by the natives of India, as to 
the exclusiveness adopted in the civil service at the time, 
and urging that the natives should be to a suitable extent 
introduced into the enjoyment of the higher places of 
responsibility and trust. And recently, in commenting 
upon the debates that have taken place in Parliament, 
which I have just referred to, the press has been equally 
unanimous in reference to this subject. As far as Parlia- 

can didates between the ages of 15 and 17, some would compete 
successfully in England for the Indian civil service, while others 
would return in various professions to India, and where by degrees 
they would form an enlightened and unprejudiced class, exercising 
a great and beneficial influence on native society, and constituting 
a link between the masses of the people and their English rulers. 

“ In laying before you this memorial we feel assured, and we 
trust that you will also agree with us, that this measure, which has 
now become necessary by the advancement of education in India, 
will promote and strengthen the loyalty of the natives of India to 
the British rule, while it will also be a satisfaction to the British 
people to have thus by one more instance practically proved its 
desire to advance the condition of their Indian fellow-subjects, 
and to act justly by them. 

“We need not point out to you, sir, how great an encourage- 
ment these examinations in India will be to education. The great 
prizes of the appointments will naturally increase vastly the desire 
for education among the people.” 


474 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


ment and the press are any indication of the opinions of the 
people, we can say the people are at one on this subject. 
As far as my personal knowledge is concerned, during the 
twelve years I have been here, or while I was in India, I 
must confess that I have always found every Englishman 
that I have spoken to on the subject, admitting its justice, 
and assuring me that England will always do its duty 
towards India. I have been sometimes told that some 
civilians, perhaps, do not like it but I should not do the 
injustice to say that I recollect any instance in which such 
an opinion has been expressed to me. The testimony of 
all eminent men in the Indian service is in favour of giving 
all necessary facilities for the admission of natives of 
India to the civil service, as well as that of all those emi- 
nent statesmen here who have made India their study. 
The interest that the natives feel in this subject I need not 
at all enlarge upon ; that can be at once conceived by their 
presence here ; the interest they would feel in the Govern- 
ment of India by having the responsibilities of that ad- 
ministration on their own heads, speaks for itself ; and at 
the same time the strength it would give to the British 
rule is also a matter of the gratest importance. Lastly, I 
find that the present Government itself has emphatically 
declared on this point. In the words I have quoted in the 
memorial, Sir Stafford Northcote has distinctly stated, 
“ Nothing could be more wonderful than our empire in 
India ; but we ought to consider on what conditions we 
held it, and how our predecessors held it. The greatness 
of the Mogul empire depended upon the liberal policy that 
was pursued by men like Akbar availing themselves of 
Hindu talent and assistance, and identifying themselves 
as far as possible with the people of the country. He 
thought that they ought to take a lesson from such a 


INDIANS IN THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE. 


475 


circumstance, and if they were to do their duty towards 
India, they could only discharge that duty by obtaining 
the assistance and counsel of all who were great and good 
in that country. It would be absurd in them to say that 
there was not a large fund of statesmanship and ability in 
the Indian character.” With such complete testimony on 
the principle of this memorial, I think I was quite justifi- 
ed in saying at the beginning that my task was a very easy 
one. This last extract, again, enables me to dispose of 
another point, namely, as to the capacity of the natives of 
India for administration and for high education. I may 
at once leave that alone, because at this time of day, after 
the education which has been received by the natives of 
India, after the results as shown by the university exami- 
nations, and with the actual facts of the efficiency of the 
services rendered by the natives of India, whenever they 
are employed in any office of responsibility and trust, it 
would be simply ridiculous on my part to try to prove to 
you their capacity for administration and for study, and 
their high character. The importance and justice of intro- 
ducing natives of India into the administration to a proper 
extent, has been urged by various eminent men at differ- 
ent times before committees of the Houses of Parliament. 
If I had considered it necessary, I could have collected a 
volume of such extracts. I need only glance at this point, 
namely, the assistance which the Government of India 
would derive from the native element being introduced 
into it. With the best intentions, Englishmen cannot 
understand the natives of India as a body ; their feelings, 
their ways of thought, and their original education, are so 
different, that with the best intentions on the part of 
Englishmen, they very often fail in pointing out the exact 
remedies for any complaints made by the natives ; but if 


476 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


the natives of India were introduced to a proper extent 
into the administration of the country, naturally their 
own countrymen would have more sympathy with them. 
Those native administrators would know where the exact 
difficulties were, and many of the problems of the present 
day, to grapple with which all the energies of our English 
administrators are taxed in vain, would be solved most 
easily. We would then have the sympathy of the natives 
with the British rulers, and one of the results of such 
a concession to the natives would be gratitude on their 
part, which would form a strong foundation for the uphold- 
ing of the British rule in India. And when I advocate 
that which would have a tendency to uphold the 
British rule in India, it is not for the sake of the English, 
but for the sake of the natives themselves. They have 
every reason to congratulate themselves on being under 
the British rule, after the knowledge they have now 
derived, and are every day deriving, of the benefits of 
it. I come, then, to the practical part of the memorial 
itself. At present the arrangement is that the civil service 
examination is open to all British subjects ; and under 
that arrangement, no doubt, the natives of India can 
come here, and they have come here, and undergone the 
competitive examination (one has passed, and is now serv- 
ing in India). But if we refer back to the gracious 
words of our Sovereign, that the natives of India be admit- 
ted “ freely and impartially,” the question naturally 
arises whether under the present arrangement that 
declaration and that assurance is practically given effect 
to. The difficulty on the face of it is this, that the 
natives are put to the disadvantage of coming over here 
and remaining here for several years. The risk of losing 
a sum of money which perhaps they cannot afford, is in 


INDIANS IN THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE. 


47 r 


itself a disadvantage sufficient to require some change in 
the arrangement. But, supposing even some few were 
willing to come here and to compete in the examination, 
it is not desirable that only those few should be admitted 
into the civil service require that those serving in it, 
whether native or English, should be of the highest talents. 
We do not want those having the longest purses only, but 
what we want is — in the words of Sir Stafford Northcote 
— the assistance and counsel of all who are great and 
good in the country ; and we cannot attain that object 
unless we have a competitive examination which would 
enable all the best men of India to compete for appoint- 
ments in the Indian civil service. Such are the men who 
ought to be introdued into that service. Therefore, putting 
aside all the disadvantages that the native is put to in 
coming over to this country, and which are in themselves 
sufficient to require that some alteration should be made 
in the present arrangement, the very best interests of the 
service require that some competition should take place in 
India whether at an earlier stage or at a later stage ; and 
that a selection should be made, not only of those who 
can afford to spend a few thousands to come here, but of 
those who possess the best talent among the people. I 
have nothing more to say than to refer to the plan I have 
suggested in the memorial, and I have left it as general 
as possible, because, with the evidence before us of the 
interest which Sir Stafford Northeote has taken in the 
Subject, and the emphatic manner in which he has express- 
ed his views as to the necessity and justice of introducing 
the native element into the service, I can, with the utmost 
confidence, leave any of the details that would be best 
suited for the purpose to himself. The natives of India 
are willing to submit to any standard ; if they could not 


478 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


come up to the standard required by the service, it would 
be their own fault, and nobody would have any right to 
complain ; but as long as they can assert that they would 
be able to stand any standard of examination which they 
may be reasonably subjected to, it is only just and proper 
that they should have the opportunity given them. Take, 
for instance, the case of the fair trial given to the natives 
for acquiring high education. There were no B.A.s or 
M.A.s before. The universities being established, we 
know the result, that the natives have fully vindicated 
their intellect. And they only ask a fair trial for the 
civil service. I am desirous, that instead of taking up 
more of your time, the members present should discuss 
this fully, and I therefore conclude as I began with the 
words of our Sovereign, “ In their prosperity will be 
our strength, in their contentment our security, and in 
their gratitude our best reward ; ’* and my only prayer is, 
that a reward nobler than that which has ever been attain- 
ed by any nation, or any individual, may be earned by 
our British rulers. 

In the proposal made by me, the examination takes 
place in India, just as it takes place here ; the candidates 
that pass in India are exactly on the same footing as what 
are called selected candidates in England. After passing 
the competitive examination, there are what are called 
further examinations here, and it is for those further ex- 
aminations here that I wish those natives to come here, 
which would be no hardship on them ; the utmost sacrifice 
which they might be required to make, if the Government 
would not assist them, would be the voyage home ; if the 
Government would pay that, then there would be no 
hardship, because, as soon as they come here they begin 
to prepare for their further examination ; they get the first 


INDIANS IN THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE. 


479 


year 100Z., and the second year 200Z., and then, if they 
show the necessary proficiency in the subjects they are 
required to study, there is no competition and no rejec- 
tion afterwards ; they have only to show that they have 
spent two years in the necessary studies, having in view 
the special duties required of them in India ; so that there 
is no risk of their being rejected. The competitive 
examination in India would be what it is here, and after 
they passed that they would be admitted as selected 
candidates. As I am on my legs, allow me to add to 
what I have already said, that there is no practical diffi- 
culty in what is proposed. The whole thing is embraced 
in the rules published by the Secretary of State 
for Ind ia every year ; the Secretary of State for 
India has only to decide as to what proportion of natives it 
would be advisable to introduce into the civil service, and 
then to send out instructions to the local government to 
institute examinations of the same character and under 
the same rules that are followed here, under which examina- 
tions the candidates would be selected ; the number may 
be five or ten, or I should be satisfied if there were two for 
Bengal and one for each of the other presidencies. Those 
examinations would take place there under the same rules 
and the same arrangements under which they take place 
here. The best on the list would become the selected 
candidates, and when once they become selected candidates 
there would be no risk of failing in the competition. There 
are no practical details to propose ; the arrangement of the 
whole thing is already practically carried out. The simple 
question for the Secretary of State to decide being, what 
proportion of the appointments should be competed for in 
India, it would be, I think, more proper on the part of this 
Association to leave that to Sir Stafford Northcote and the 


480 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


Council. They are best able to judge as to that, and I 
have every confidence that they would do that which is 
right. The manner in which justice has been done in the 
case of Mysore makes me perfectly confident that we have a 
Government not only willing to make professions, but 
willing to do what they profess. As I did not contemplate 
that any details should be proposed, except simply that a 
certain proportion of appointments to be decided on by the 
Secretary of State should be competed for in India, the 
managing committee, to whom this proposal was referred, 
thought wisely that we might at once go to the whole 
Association itself, and we have done so. If the Associa- 
tion are inclined .to adopt the proposal of the noble chair- 
man, of referring the matter back to a committee, I do not 
say anything against it, but there is nothing to be consi- 
dered ; the whole thing is ready cut and dried. There are 
only two points to be decided by Sir Stafford Northcote r 
first, whether a certain number of appointments should be 
competed for in India or not, and next, what proportion of 
the appointments should be so competed for. With regard 
to the various remarks which have been made by Mr. 
Hodgson Pratt, I agree with the full force of them. When 
he, some years ago, was anxious to promote the plan of 
bringing over to England young men to be educated, I 
endeavoured to contribute my humble mite to that endeav- 
our. All I say upon the remarks he has addressed to you 
is this, that he attaches a little too much importance to an 
independent body of natives in India who had received 
their education in England, and who would spread them- 
selves in all the different departments of life, being the 
only means by which the tone of society, and the status of 
the whole population would be raised ; for, we must 
not forget that, attaching to the administration of the 


INDIANS IN THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE. 


481 


country itself, there are responsibilities that must be 
incurred ; and when a native is introduced into the 
administration he comes under a responsibility which 
an outsider cannot appreciate. If we had only a body 
of independent educated natives we should have nothing 
but agitation ; there would be no counterpoise to it, 
there would be no men trained under the yoke of responsi- 
bility, who would tell them that there were such and such 
difficulties in the way of the administration. I have con- 
sidered this matter very carefully for a long time. I have 
taken the utmost possible trouble to induce my friends to 
come over here for their education, and most of the twenty- 
five who have been referred to are under my care. I have 
taken that responsibility, because I feel strongly upon the 
point. I have taken that guardianship for the past twelve 
years with no little anxiety to myself, but I am glad to 
say that those young men have behaved most admirably, 
never having given me cause to complain, and the charac- 
ter that has been given of them, whether by the gentlemen 
with whom they have been residing, or by the professors of 
their college, has been that they have been very steady and 
very good. But in this way we cannot get the best talent. 
Therefore, I hope that it will not be considered by the 
Association that I have brought forward this question in- 
considerately and immaturely. I do not see the necessity 
of troubling a committee to go into it again. Here I have 
my proposal in some detail : — “ First Examination for the 
Civil Service of India, to be held in India.” (I would be 
satisfied even with a few to begin with ; I suggest five.) 
“ Five candidates shall be selected every year as follows : 
— 2 from Bengal, 1 from Bombay, 1 from Madras, 1 from 
the North-West Provinces and the Punjab. The examina- 
tion shall be held in each of the above territories, under 
31 


482 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


the instruction of the local government, in the subjects, 
and according to the rules adopted from time to time by 
the Civil Service Commissioners for the first competition 
examination in England. The highest in rank shall be 
deemed to be selected candidates for the civil service of 
India. The selected candidates shall, within three months 
of the announcement of the result of the examination, 
proceed to England, and the local government shall pay 
the passage money. After arrival in England these select- 
ed candidates shall be subject to the rules and terms for 
the subsequent ‘ further examination,’ &c., like the 
selected candidates of England.” If it is necessary for 
a plan to be attached to the memorial, here is one. I 
admit the force of the remark made by Mr. Hodgson 
Pratt, that mere education in colleges and universities is 
not enough, that there are other qualifications necessary. 
But though I do not agree with those who saj 7 that the 
education given in India does not raise the moral as well 
as the intellectual character of the pupil, still I purposely 
make it essential that those natives who are selected for 
the service should come oyer to England for those two 
years, in order that they may acquire all the benefits in 
England which Mr. Hodgson Pratt so ably described. 
As to the competitive system, it must be recollected that 
it has been established as being the best system that can 
be adopted for arriving at the qualities and capabilities of 
a man. If the Council think that there ought to be a 
standard of proficiency at the oar or at cricket, let them 
establish such a standard ; I daresay the natives of India 
would be quite prepared to try a hand at bowling or at 
the oar with the natives of England ; only, let every one 
be put on an equal footing. We no longer select men 
for the service in India according to the system of patron- 


INDIANS IN THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE. 


483 


age ; we know how that system worked in former times — 
bow proprietors joined together to get their nephews in. 
I do not refer to past grievances ; let the past be the past, 
we have enough to be thankful for ; we select our best 
men in the best way in our power, by a competitive 
examination, and though, in a competition of 200 for 50 
or 60 situations, there is some chance of an incompetent 
man getting in, by cramming or by some accident, still, 
where there is a competition of 100 or 1,000 for only one 
or two places, the chances are infinitesimally small that 
anybody who does not possess tne highest order of 
intellect will be able to take those prizes. I beg to submit 
to our President, with very great deference, that the 
proposal I have made has been carefully considered. I 
have consulted several gentlemen who are deeply interested 
in the matter, and I hope our noble President will 
support me in approving of this memorial, with the 
addition which Sir Herbert Edwardes has made, to which 
I have no objection ; it gives the memorial a wider scope, 
and meets the other difficulty which our noble President 
suggested as to the expense. It is desirable, instead of 
simply allowing a few young men to enter the Civil Service, 
that we should also carry out a comprehensive principle of 
giving some opportunity to natives of entering upon other 
independent departments. I fully agree that the assistance 
proposed by Sir Herbert Edwardes’ amendment should be 
held out to the youths of India ; we want the best talent 
of the country brought here ; therefore, I propose that Sir 
Herbert Edwardes’ addition should be embodied in the 
memorial. Our noble President has said that this me- 
morial does not properly come within the province of 
this Association. With every deference, I beg to differ 
from his Lordship. The very basis upon which this insti- 


484 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


tution has been formed is, as expressed by the second rule* 
the promotion, by all legitimate means, of the interests 
and welfare of India generally. If the object and purpose 
of the Association is simply to supply information, I do 
not see that the Association can do any very great good ; 
but if the Association takes up one subject after another, 
considerately and carefully, as our noble President suggests, 
and does actual practical good to the various interests of 
India, the Association then will have fulfilled its mission 
of bringing India and England together, doing justice to 
India, informing the people of this country of all that is 
necessary to be known by them in relation to Indian matters, 
and suggesting to them what they, in the situation in which 
Providence has placed them, as rulers of India, ought ia 
do towards India, If the Association has not been formed 
to attain those objects, I do not see what good it can do. 
We may read papers here and have a pleasant discussion 
on them, and go away with the feeling that we have had 
a very successful meeting ; but if we are to end there, 
what good shall we have done? What is the object of all 
our discussion ? It is to take such practical steps as may 
influence the people of this country, and as may influence 
the Government to rectify existing evils, the rectifying of 
which would have the effect of consolidating the British 
rule in India, to the great benefit of both England and 
India. 


Gentlemen, — Since our deputation waited on the 
Secretary of State for India with the Memorial f relative 
to the Indian Civil Service, I find several objections 
urged from different quarters ; and, as I see that Mr. 
Fawcett is going to move a resolution, I beg to submit 
for your consideration my views on those objections. 
They are, as far as I have met with, principally these : — 

1. That the natives are not fit, on account of their 
deficient ability, integrity, and physical power and energy. 

2. That Europeans would not like to serve under 
natives. 

3. That native officials are not much respected by 
the natives, and that when a native is placed in any 
position of eminence, his fellow-countrymen all around 
him are ready to backbite and slander him. 

4. That natives look too much to Government em- 
ployment, and do not show sufficient independence of cha- 
racter to strike out for themselves other paths of life. 

5. That though natives may prove good subordi- 
nates, they are not fit to be placed at the head of any 
department. 

6. That natives who seek for admission into the 
Civil Service should be Anglicised. 

7. That natives ought not to be put in positions of 
power. 

8. That the places obtained by the natives will be 
so many lost to the English people. 

* Paper read before a Meeting of the East India Association, 
London, Friday, April 17th, 1868. E. B. Eastwiek Esq., C.B., f.r.s., 
in the Chair, 
f Appendix B. 


486 


DADABHAI NAOROJl’S WRITINGS. 


9. That natives are already largely emplo